Skip to main content

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps (Umsiedler-Lager) around Exin (Kcynia) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt (Żnin), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode (Słupowiec), Schwarzerde (Malice), Schmiedebach, etc. (note 1). Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig (Gdańsk) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin.

Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” (note 2). Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily.

Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec), near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for approximately 70 refugees to sleep on; one classroom was used to lock up the luggage, and another served as a dining hall.

“It felt so good to stretch out and rest our weary bodies, even if it was on a bed of straw on the floor. Our sleeping quarters were quite cramped, but we thanked God that we were safe, warm and well fed. … For the first while we were under quarantine and could not leave the premises except to go to the common bath-house for our weekly bath. So we spent a lot of time on our straw beds relaxing.” (Note 3)

On Himmler’s direct orders, the resettler camps were given the status of “convalescent camps,” which entitled residents to receive twenty percent more rations than average Germans (note 4). Besides lice, rickets and scabies were common, as well as tuberculosis and trachoma; Black Sea Germans received immediate and superior care (note 5).

As ethnic Germans from the east arrived, Poles were systematically removed from their homes in a scheme of racialized colonization. It evacuation orders it is referred to as the "Black Sea German Special Operation." This was the experience of our family (and it makes my mother feel terrible to this day; note 6). My grandmother with four children under 17 was first in a resettler camp in the hamlet of Schwarzerde (“Black Earth), 2.8 km. east of Exin (population of 372 in 1941; note 7), and then given a small farm in Waldtal (Laskownica), 12 km. north-west of Exin (sometime between early May and early July).

If not deported, many Polish families were required to vacate their homes and live with relatives or other Polish families. In the District of Hohensalza the chief medical officer reported that in April 1944 “2,817 Russian-Germans were settled in the district ... and were accommodated on the estates or in apartments that were partly vacated by Poles. Evacuation from Poland did not take place” (note 8).

My mother was six years-old at this time. Her single aunt Tante Tina was put in the nearby town of Exin, where she was a cook for enslaved Polish workers. When she became a naturalized citizen in Dietfurt, she was given a lower biological-cultural value ranking (“A-Case” vs. “O-Case”) than her extended family members (note 9).

I have written a number of posts previously about this period (note 10). Recently Polish archives have posted some photos and documents from around Exin during this period. It helps to “ground” the Mennonite stories and to give them context.

In Exin--when my 16-year-old uncle Walter Bräul was required to report for military service in 1944--he felt that no good soldier should be without a girlfriend. Before leaving for training, he asked one of the girls from "the trek" (in the Schmiedebach Camp) on a date to see a movie in Exin (note 11). Katie Friesen, another teenager at the time, recalled an excursion from their temporary shelter in search for relatives near Exin.

“It was already getting dark and we still had not reached our destination so we started to get a bit apprehensive. We knew that the Polish people disliked the Germans. ... It took quite a bit of courage to go to the first house and inquire whether or not people lived in the village.” (Note 12)

The “dislike” was not for nothing. Repeatedly Russian Mennonite memoirs from this period record shock at the treatment of non-Germans.

If Poles were not deported, it was only to keep them as farm labourers or in critical manufacturing (munitions) roles. Below are 1944 plans for the construction of 24 worker homes (Behelfsheimen) or “Polish barracks” (Polenbaracken) on the edge Exin (note 13). One March 1944 memo notes explicitly that these barracks would free up living space in Exin for Black Sea German and other German families impacted by recent air raids (see pic). In an April 29, 1944 memo, Exin was to build 159 such worker barracks for its Polish workers.




The larger archival file available online also contains multiple photos from a nearby prisoner of war camp (Szubin, Stalag-Oflag 21B), where French soldiers had recently been housed.

Mennonites were prepared to settle into this racially colonized world of Warthegau for the long-haul (Canada had been the preferred destination since the 1920s). The SS-directed Ethnic German Liaison Office (Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle) appointed Prof. Benjamin Unruh with a stipend (note 14) to order and regulate Mennonite church life in Warthegau. In these same months, Unruh completed draft articles of incorporation for the new “Conference of Mennonite Congregations of German Nationality in the Province of Wartheland” and part of the Vereinigung (Union) of German Mennonite Congregations of the German Reich"—to be approved by authorities (note 15). 

Unruh’s vision for a new united Mennonite community sought to be Anabaptist and forward looking, but one in which equal dignity or shared Christian responsibility, charity and service with Poles or Jews in German-annexed Poland was wholly absent. Unruh’s vision for Mennonites in Warthegau was consistent with Volk- and state outcomes for strengthening “German blood” and expanding and rooting German life to the “soil.” 

Mennonites from Ukraine arrived in Warthegau without church records of births, deaths, baptisms and marriages. A high priority for Unruh and his team of Prussian congregational historians was to do verify their German blood purity as a requirement for naturalization (note 16). And with the encouragement of the highest levels of government, Unruh could report to co-religionists with confidence that the dream was now finally being realized, and that Paraguayan, Brazilian, and maybe even Canadian Mennonites would soon be able to return to the German Reich (note 17).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: See map of Altburgund District, https://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/publication/167966/edition/170631/content. For more general maps of Wartheland and Hohensalza Rolf Jehke, Territoriale Veränderungen in Deutschland und deutsch verwalteten Gebieten 1874–1945, http://territorial.de/wart/karten.htm. For aerial photos of Kcynia (Exin), see https://kcynia.pl/galeria/gmina-kcynia-z-lotu-ptaka.html. Detailed 1940 maps: Exin, map no. 3070, https://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/publication/23216/edition/31954/content?ref=struct&fbclid=IwAR3aXxCOdDKN89CqNAzf0aLs4o0_Vj1luXivcT6znFa0j4Mi7QvdebIZtI8; Malitz (Schwarzerde), map no. 2971, https://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/publication/22709/edition/31392/content?ref=struct&fbclid=IwAR1CKCXUE_mX4xl0eRhzSEK4c2T_Na__zgQ82kGKCUXh_sWm9Xe3BRmZj7Q; Waldtal and Kiefernrode (Slupowo Abbau), map no. 2970, https://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/publication/22685/edition/31388/content?fbclid=IwAR1920Ik8leZ5BNsOnhgRvPCyYAsGLl73LmA2RHt4-D6hoI3Jvwn7CJxSRU

Note 2: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/litzmanstadt-odz-entering-reich-1943-44.html.

Note 3: Katie Friesen, Into the Unknown (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1986), 74f.

Note 4: Cf. Valdis O. Lumans, Hitler’s Auxiliaries: The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and the German National Minorities of Europe, 1933–1945 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 193. See also See the "Dienstanweisung über Aufnahme in den Lagern und Organisation der Lager, Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle Einsatzstab Litzmannstandt," Bundes Archiv R 59-99, https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/direktlink/487b22f5-592e-4949-a9c7-3c125e539400/.

Note 5: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/typhus-reports-and-gratitude-to-fuhrer.html.

Note 6: See previous posts, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/07/wartheland-mennonite-resettlers-and.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/first-christmas-for-black-sea-germans.html.

Note 7: Cf. Einwandererzentralstelle (EWZ) files A3342-EWZ50-A073 1946 (Helene Bräul) and A3342-EWZ50-A073 2044 (Katharina Bräul). For 1941 populations of Schwarzerde (Malice /Malitz) or Waldtal (300), see Warthegau telephone book https://archive.org/details/Verschiedene-Adressbuecher/Deutsches%20Reichs%20Ostgebiete%20Adressbuch-%201941/page/n313/mode/2up.

Note 8: May 5, 1944, State Health Office Hohensalza Report, 15, no. 19, from Transport Niemców znad Morza Czarnego na teren Kraju Warty [Transport of Germans from the Black Sea to the Wartheland], from Narodowe Archiwum Cyfrowe (National Digital Archives Poland), 53/299/0, series 2.2, file 1979, https://www.szukajwarchiwach.gov.pl/de/jednostka/-/jednostka/1049368. For other archival materials documenting the forced evacuation of Poles in the Posen area to make housing available to Black Sea Germans, see: https://www.szukajwarchiwach.gov.pl/en/jednostka/-/jednostka/1261490.

Note 9: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/a-cases-and-o-cases-after-trek-1944.html.

Note 10: See links in notes above, as well as the following: https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/removal-of-old-testament-names-after.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/warthegau-nazism-and-two-15-year-old.html.

Note 11: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/queen-elizabeth-ii-and-aunt-adina.html.

Note 12: K. Friesen, Into the Unknown, 74.

Note 13: “Bau von Behelfsheimen in Altburgund (Szubin). Polenbaracken,” 1944, Archiwum Państwowe w Poznaniu, Fonds Namiestnik Rzeszy w Okręgu Kraju Warty – Poznań, reference code, 53/299/0/9/3273, https://www.szukajwarchiwach.gov.pl/en/jednostka/-/jednostka/1050707.

Note 14: Cf. Dr. Gerhard Wolfrum to Benjamin H. Unruh, letter, September 29, 1943. From Benjamin H. Unruh Personalakte, S499, Schrank 2a, Fach 24, Technische Hochschule Karlsruhe, Universitätsarchiv Karlsruhe (copy at Mennonite Library and Archives – Bethel College).

Note 15: Benjamin H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Zur Einigungsfrage,” January 26, 1944; and “Zur Tauffrage: Ergänzung I zur Einigungsfrage,” January 31, 1944. From Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof (MFSt), Benjamin Unruh Collection, folder “Correspondence with Abraham Braun, 1930, 1940, 1944–45.”

Note 16: See previous post (forthcoming).

Note 17: Benjamin H. Unruh to Emil Händiges, Jan. 22, 1943, 1b, letter, file folder 1943, Vereinigung Collection, MFSt. See Karl Götz, Das Schwarzmeerdeutschtum: Die Mennoniten (Posen: NS-Druck Wartheland, 1944), Bundesarchiv BA R 187/267a, https://chortitza.org/pdf/0v772.pdf.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), July 27, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/07/life-in-exin-1944-german-occupied-poland.html



Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

A Mennonite Pandemic Spirituality, 1830-1831

Asiatic Cholera broke out across Russia in 1829 and ‘30, and further into Europe in 1831. It began with an infected battalion in Orenburg ( note 1 ), and by early Fall 1830 the disease had reached Moscow and the capital. Russia imposed drastic quarantine measures. Much like today, infected regions were cut off and domestic trade was restricted. The disease reached the Molotschna River district in Fall 1830, and by mid-December hundreds of Nogai deaths were recorded in the villages adjacent to the Mennonite colony, leading state authorities to impose a strict quarantine. When the Mennonite Johann Cornies—a state-appointed agricultural supervisor and civic leader—first became aware of the nearby cholera-related deaths, he recommended to the Mennonite District Office on December 6, 1830 to stop traffic and prevent random contacts with Nogai. For Cornies it was important that the Mennonite community do all it can keep from carrying the disease into the community, though “only God knows...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

The Beginnings: Some Basics

The sixteenth-century ancestors of Russian Mennonites were largely Anabaptists from the Low Countries. Because their new vision of church called for voluntary membership marked by adult baptism upon confession of faith, they became one of the most persecuted groups of the Protestant Reformation ( note 1 ). For a millennium re-baptism ( a na -baptism) had been considered a heresy punishable by death ( note 2 ), and again in 1529 the Imperial Diet of Speyer called for the “brutal” punishment for those who did not recognize infant baptism. Many of the earliest Anabaptist cells were found in Belgium and The Netherlands--part of the larger Habsburg Empire ruled after 1555 by “the Most Catholic of Kings,” Philip II of Spain. The North Sea port cities of the Low Countries had some limited freedoms and were places for both commercial and cultural exchange; ships arrived daily not only from other Hanseatic League like Danzig, but also from Florence, Venice and Genoa, the Americas and the Far Ea...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

"In the Case of Extreme Danger" - Menno Pass and Refugee crisis, 1945-46

"In the Case of Extreme Danger 1. We are Russian-Mennonite refugees who are returning to Holland, the place of origin. The language is Low German. 2. The Dutch Mennonites there, Doopsgezinde , will take in all fellow-believing Mennonites from Russia who are in danger of compulsory repatriation. 3. The first stage of the journey is to Gronau in Westphalia. 4. As a precaution, purchase a ticket to an intermediate stop first. The last connecting station is Rheine. 5. Opposite Gronau is the Dutch city of Enschede, where you will cross the border. 6. On the border ask for Peter Dyck (Piter Daik), Mennonite Central Committee, Amsterdam, Singel 452. Peter Dyck (or his people) will distribute the relevant papers—“Menno Passes”--and provide further information. 7. Any other border points may also be crossed, with the necessary explanations (who, where to, Mennonites from Russia, Peter Dyck, M.C.C., etc.). The Dutch border Patrol is informed. 8. Here the whole matter must be h...