Skip to main content

A-Cases and O-Cases. After the Trek, 1944

Some 35,000 Mennonites evacuated from Ukraine by the retreating Reich German military in 1943-44 applied for naturalization /citizenship once in German-annexed Poland (mostly Warthegau). The applications made through the “EWZ” (Einwandererzentralstelle) are easy to attain today (note 1). Much information may be new and useful for families; however just as much is disturbing, including the racial assessments, categorization, and separation of so-called “A-cases” from “O-cases.”

What are they? The EWZ files contain the application for naturalization made by the head of a family unit, the certificate of naturalization, and sometimes correspondence/ claims regarding property and possessions left behind in Ukraine. Each form contains information about the applicant’s spouse and children, as well as a genealogy listing parents and grandparents, and those of their spouse as well; racial background is calculated by percentage (!). Applicants were asked about their citizenship, their ethnic-national identification (Volkstumsbekenntnis), religion, language in the home, places of residence (and when), education, past affiliations with political parties, clubs, associations, military roles, honours, criminal prosecutions, and about relatives in the Reich. The applicant had to affirm their German-blood ancestry and the absence of any Jewish blood. Some applications include a handwritten brief autobiography and photo. The form includes the results of a mandatory “Health and Hereditary-Biological Examination" for health and purity of the “race.” A final "Opinion of the ethnic-nationality (Volkstums-) Expert” is given with the "naturalization and application placement decision"—either as an “A-case” or an “O-case” by Settlement Staff. A “desirability” index is also included for population increase; some Mennonite files have an official name change for the applicant or a child, from an “Old Testament” name to a “more acceptable” German name (note 2).

Valdis O. Lumans gives the “case decision” some context:

“A family passed through the examination gauntlet together, eventually receiving a composite evaluation. Families with farming backgrounds and positive racial and political evaluations were classified as O-cases (Ost [=east]), the elite of the resettlers, and assigned to the Warthegau as farmers to Germanize the Lebensraum [expanded territory that the German Reich believed Germans needed for their natural development].” (Note 3)

Lumans continues: "Those graded as less politically reliable, not German enough, of poorer racial stock, or unsuited for farming—including those with technical skills better utilized in the war industry than on a farm—became the A-cases (Altreich), designated to work inside the [old] Reich. Once classified, the resettlers awaited their final placement.” (Note 4)

As an example, two months after arriving in the Warthegau in March 1944, my grandmother and her children were assessed to be racially German and to have fully “preserved” the German language and culture. They were deemed an “O-case” for settlement in Warthegau. My mother’s 53-year-old aunt Katharina Bräul (#691296)—who had never married and who accompanied my grandmother (her sister-in-law) on the trek out of Ukraine—was deemed an “A-case” (note 5).

Mennonite leader Benjamin H. Unruh liked to remind officials that he was “unconditionally recognized” as the representative of the Mennonite resettler communities and congregations by the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Nationhood and Reichsführer-SS Himmler (note 6). As such, Unruh had access to all of the related offices and officials and was called upon to help settle the more difficult cases.

Himmler “regarded the O-cases as the elite and their placement in the Lebensraum as the highest honor. These S.S. builders of the new racial order assured the Volksdeutsche that their lives, in particular those of the O-cases, would assume great historical importance” (note 7). Accordingly, Unruh was also proud to report to the denominational Vereinigung executive that the Wartheland Nazi Party Governor (Gauleiter) Greiser had “firm intentions of giving land to farmers from the eastern zone, and he especially values Mennonite farmers” (note 8).

“There will be two groups of settlers, O-cases and A-cases. The one group, pure German, will be settled toward the east, but not the other group, for they must first become German. And that is also correct! For most mixed couples only speak Russian, the children too. If they were to come under the Russians again or in their proximity, Russian [language/culture] will become attractive. However if they are in the Reich and only amongst Germans, then they are compelled to become German, at least to make German their primary language.” (Note 9)

“A-cases” could include the elderly and infirm, but they were typically those who had lost their German identity and language, or those who had the language but who were “politically unreliable.” Not a few Mennonites in Ukraine had thrown their hats in with the Communist regime, for example. Unruh reported that the “denunciations” were a particularly difficult problem in the refugee camps, and that those accused by neighbours of collaboration with the Bolsheviks would be given “the opportunity to improve themselves; they will be naturalized for a probationary period, and if they do not prove themselves, then their fate will be severe” (note 10).

It was not unusual for already-traumatized families to become “splintered.” “A-case” Mennonites were normally settled at a distance from their “O-case” family members—or worse ("Abl" = Ablehnung, rejection). Unruh tried to get them placed near German Mennonite communities in the Old Reich, or better: to keep families together. “A whole series of cases, which were very difficult, have found their best settlement. A Mennonite man and woman have been appointed to a position at the EWZ Litzmannstadt, which is significant. The EWZ asked me to make submissions a little later on the matter of the A-cases ...” (note 11).

Unruh wrote to the denominational executive in July 1944:

"We will ask that the A-cases be reduced as far as possible by allowing the ‘splinter families’ and the infirm to join the O-cases as much as possible. The EWZ, however, is more skeptical about such an action. We should rather make a petition to the VoMi (Ethnic German Liason Office) and ask that the A-cases be settled together and, if possible, in the vicinity of our co-religionists. I think that both possibilities should be considered. ... The hereditary-biological cases, as we were told in the EWZ, could not be settled in Warthegau. As for the mixed [-race] cases, all our people are of the opinion that they should be placed in the Old Reich [for German-ization].” (Note 12)

There is nothing in my great-aunt Tina Bräul’s EWZ application file that indicates why she was assessed differently than all the others in her clan—a brother, an adult niece, cousins, in-laws. But she was allowed to stay in Warthegau near family in the town of Exin where she cooked for Polish labourers.

Those deemed “biological-genetically weak” were removed from families. Another aunt by marriage was worried that her mother could be “eliminated” if hospitalized because of her epilepsy (note 13). Albert Dahl of Marienthal remembered that some of their Mennonites simply “disappeared” upon arrival in Warthegau—the handicapped and mentally weak (note 14). This was consistent with the Racial Policy of the Reich, which assumed that the “rise and fall of a people’s culture depends above all on the maintenance, care, and purity of its valuable racial inheritance” (note 15).

None of this was inconsequential for Unruh’s application to the state to have the proposed “Mennonite Church (Gemeindekirche) in Wartheland” statutes /constitution approved. It would be a racially defined church without Christian responsibility, charity and service with Poles or Jews.

“The Volk-community of Greater Germany has cast its eye on us as experienced Mennonite farmers. They want to put our people to work when the victory is won. For our part we will need an unbroken Volk-community too. We are too devout not to know that it [the Volk-community] must be sustained and consecrated by Christian faith, not merely—but that too!—by [German] blood. … This is our historical duty in this historical hour!” (Note 16)

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Cf. Mennonite Extractions/ Index of Mennonites Appearing in the Einwandererzentrallestelle (EWZ) Files," 1943-44, https://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/russia/EWZ_Mennonite_Extractions_Alphabetized.pdf. Note: Women are listed by maiden name. A file can be requested from the Mennonite Historical Society of British Columbia, genealogy@mhsbc.com 

Note 2: See Babette Heusterberg, “Personenbezogene Unterlagen aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus,” HEROLD-Jahrbuch, Neue Folge (Neustadt a.d. Aisch: Degener, 2000), 147-186, https://www.bundesarchiv.de/DE/Content/Publikationen/Aufsaetze/aufsatz-heusterberg-persbez-unterlagen-ns-zeit.pdf. On A-Cases and O-Cases, as well as hereditary-biological conditions, see also: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Einwandererzentralstelle. For “determination of fit and desirability” for population growth (a Roman numeral, I to IV stamped on the form), as well as the pressure placed on families to eliminate their “Old Testament given names,” “especially among Mennonites,” see previous post (forthcoming).

Note 3: Valdis O. Lumans, “Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews in the Volhynia-Galicia Narew Resettlement,” in The Impact of Nazism: New Perspectives on the Third Reich and Its Legacy, edited by Alan E. Steinweis and Daniel E. Rogers (Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 94, https://books.google.ca/books?id=RZ7igJKC6YQC&lpg=PA94&dq=A-case%20volksdeutsche%20litzmannstadt&pg=PA94#v=snippet&q=A-cases&f=false.

Note 4: Lumans, “Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews,” 94.

Note 5: Helene Thiessen Bräul, #A3342-EWZ50-A073(GRanDMA ##466431); Katharina Bräul, #A3342-EWZ50-A073 (GRanDMA #691296). Einwandererzentrale (Central Immigration Office), National Archives Collection Microfilm Publication A3342, Series EWZ, Washington, DC.

Note 6: Benjamin H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Vollbericht über die Lagerbesuche,” (January 7, 1944), 2b. From: Benjamin Unruh Collection, “Correspondence with Abraham Braun, 1930, 1940, 1944–45,” Vereinigung 1944, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof (MFW). See also my essay “Benjamin Unruh, MCC [Mennonite Central Committee] and National Socialism,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 96, no. 2 (April 2022), 157–205, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1571 (condensed in Intersections: MCC Practice and Theory Quarterly 9, no. 4 (Fall 2021), 17–27, https://mcc.org/media/resources/10441).

Note 7: Lumans, “Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews,” 94.

Note 8: B. H. Unruh, “Bericht über Verhandlungen in Warthegau im März 1944” (March 30, 1944), 6b, Unruh-Braun Correspondence, MFW.

Note 9: B. H. Unruh, “Lagerbericht,” 3b.

Note 10: B. H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Vollbericht über die Lagerbesuche,” (January 7, 1944), 5b, Unruh-Braun Correspondence, MFW.

Note 11: B. H, Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Kurzbericht” (November 21, 1944), 1b, Vereinigung Collection 1944, MFW.

Note 12: B. H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Mein Bericht über meine zweite Reise in den Warthegau” (July 17, 1944), Vereinigung Collection 1944, MFW.

Note 13: Katharine Bräul Fast, interview with author, July 26, 2017.

Note 14: Albert Dahl, interview with author, July 26, 2017.

Note 15: In Anson Rabinbach and Sander Gilman, eds., The Third Reich Sourcebook (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2013), 171.

Note 16: “Zur Tauffrage: Ergänzung I zur Einigungsfrage,” (January 31, 1944), 6b, from Unruh-Braun Correspondence, MFW, See also: “Satzung der Mennonitischen Gemeindekirche im Wartheland” (March 1944 Submission), from Vereinigung Collection, File Folder 1944, MFW. 

Newspaper scan: Eugen Petrull, “Von der Molotschna bis zur Warthe—160,000 Schwarzmeer- und Shitomir-deutsche kommen ins Wartheland,” Ostdeutscher Beobachter 6, no. 71 (March 12, 1944), 5, https://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/publication/125852/edition/134988/content.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "A-Cases and O-Cases. After the Trek, 1944," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 23, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/p/a-cases-and-o-cases-after-trek-1944.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 2 of 4 to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF In a few short months the American government will start to fulfill its campaign promises to round up and deport undocumented immigrants. The responsible cabinet members have already been appointed. By early Spring 2025, Mennonite pastors/leaders who supported Trump will need to speak to and address the matter in their congregations. It will be difficult to find words. How might they prepare? Sometimes a template from the past is helpful. To that end, I offer my summary of a text by retired Mennonite pastor and conference leader Gustav Kraemer. (There is a nice entry on him in the Mennonite Encyclopedia,  GAMEO ). My summary is faithful to the German original, 1938. With only a few minor changes, it could be useful for the coming year. Adaptations are mostly in square brackets, with the key at the bottom of the post. ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 3 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Mennonite endorsement Trump the man No one denies the moral flaws of Donald Trump, least of all Trump himself. In these next months Mennonite pastors who supported Trump will have many opportunities to restate to their congregation and their children why someone like Trump won their support. It may be obvious, but the words can be difficult to find. To help, I offer examples from Mennonite history with statements from one our strongest leaders of the past century, Prof. Benjamin H. Unruh (see the nice Mennonite Encyclopedia article on him, GAMEO ). I have substituted only a few words, indicated by square brackets to help with the adaptation. The [MAGA] movement is like the early Anabaptist movement!  In the change of government in 1933, Unruh saw in the [MAGA] movement “things breaking forth which our forefathe...

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and...

The Flight to Moscow 1929

In 1926, my grandfather’s sister Justina Fast (b. 1896) and her husband Peter Görzen moved from Krassikow, Neu Samara (Soviet Union) to village no. 5 Dejewka, Orenburg. “We thought we would live our lives here with our children secure in the hands of God. But the times were becoming turbulent,” Justina recalled. In May 1929 they travelled back to Krassikow for Pentecost to visit with her mother, brothers and their families. But when they returned to their home, she writes, “… a large quota of grain was demanded of us. But we had nothing, and the harvest was not yet in. Then we heard that many were planning to move to Canada, including my three siblings with my mother, and my husband's three sisters too. My husband decided to go to Moscow first to see if it was possible and what was required for emigration. We made the decision to leave when the harvest was complete. At that time so many people were leaving [for Moscow], and early in September we sold everything we had. Only the b...

Simple Refugee Wedding: My grandparents (1931)

My father was born less than a year after these 1931 wedding photos. Jacob Fast and Helen Janzen had been in Paraguay less than 8 months—see the MCC telegram—and tragedy had already struck both refugees families. Jacob’s first wife and a daughter became victims of the epidemic that ravaged the new colony of Fernheim in those first months. He was now a widower at age 39—with an infant and other children without a mother. Helene was single and 29 years old. Her mother too had died from the same epidemic; her father was partially crippled. They had come from southern Ukrainian community of Spat, Crimea; Fast was from Ural Mountains area in Russia where South Russian Mennonites had created a “daughter colony” a generation earlier.   Each had siblings who fled to Moscow in 1929 with them and who were accepted by Canada in 1930. My grandparents however were rejected—she was a single woman with frail parents; he was a man with an ill child. Perhaps in contexts like these the falli...

What does it cost to settle a Refugee? Basic without Medical Care (1930)

In January 1930, the Mennonite Central Committee was scrambling to get 3,885 Mennonites out of Germany and settled somewhere fast. These refugees had fled via Moscow in December 1929, and Germany was willing only to serve as first transit stop ( note 1 ). Canada was very reluctant to take any German-speaking Mennonites—the Great Depression had begun and a negative memory of war resistance still lingered. In the end Canada took 1,344 Mennonites and the USA took none born in Russia. Paraguay was the next best option ( note 2 ). The German government preferred Brazil, but Brazil would not guarantee freedom from military service, which was a problem for American Mennonite financiers. There were already some conservative "cousins" from Manitoba in Paraguay who had negotiated with the government and learned through trial and error how to survive in the "Green Hell" of the Paraguayan Chaco. MCC with the assistance of a German aid organization purchased and distribute...

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the ...

Creating a Spiritual Tradition: Nine Core Texts

Just before Mennonite immigration to Russia, Prussian leaders were feverishly translating the tradition from Dutch to German. In addition to the translations, a few other key pieces were also written and together these texts shaped the Russian Mennonite tradition. 1. In 1765 certain core writings of Menno Simons were selected, edited for brevity and focus, and translated into a first German edition by Johannes Deknatel ( note 1 ). 2. Hymnals: In 1780, Danzig Flemish Elder Hans van Steen with supporting ministers published (translated): A Spiritual Hymnal for General Edification, in which, besides David’s Psalms, a collection of specially selected old and new songs can be found . The Flemish had “always” worshiped in Dutch and as late as 1752 they had ordered 3,000 Dutch hymnals from Amsterdam. Two-thirds of the hymns in the Danzig hymnal were adopted from the Lutheran and Reformed tradition This was the second unique Mennonite hymnal in “the language of the land”; in 1767 Elbing an...