Skip to main content

A-Cases and O-Cases. After the Trek, 1944

Some 35,000 Mennonites evacuated from Ukraine by the retreating Reich German military in 1943-44 applied for naturalization /citizenship once in German-annexed Poland (mostly Warthegau). The applications made through the “EWZ” (Einwandererzentralstelle) are easy to attain today (note 1). Much information may be new and useful for families; however just as much is disturbing, including the racial assessments, categorization, and separation of so-called “A-cases” from “O-cases.”

What are they? The EWZ files contain the application for naturalization made by the head of a family unit, the certificate of naturalization, and sometimes correspondence/ claims regarding property and possessions left behind in Ukraine. Each form contains information about the applicant’s spouse and children, as well as a genealogy listing parents and grandparents, and those of their spouse as well; racial background is calculated by percentage (!). Applicants were asked about their citizenship, their ethnic-national identification (Volkstumsbekenntnis), religion, language in the home, places of residence (and when), education, past affiliations with political parties, clubs, associations, military roles, honours, criminal prosecutions, and about relatives in the Reich. The applicant had to affirm their German-blood ancestry and the absence of any Jewish blood. Some applications include a handwritten brief autobiography and photo. The form includes the results of a mandatory “Health and Hereditary-Biological Examination" for health and purity of the “race.” A final "Opinion of the ethnic-nationality (Volkstums-) Expert” is given with the "naturalization and application placement decision"—either as an “A-case” or an “O-case” by Settlement Staff. A “desirability” index is also included for population increase; some Mennonite files have an official name change for the applicant or a child, from an “Old Testament” name to a “more acceptable” German name (note 2).

Valdis O. Lumans gives the “case decision” some context:

“A family passed through the examination gauntlet together, eventually receiving a composite evaluation. Families with farming backgrounds and positive racial and political evaluations were classified as O-cases (Ost [=east]), the elite of the resettlers, and assigned to the Warthegau as farmers to Germanize the Lebensraum [expanded territory that the German Reich believed Germans needed for their natural development].” (Note 3)

Lumans continues: "Those graded as less politically reliable, not German enough, of poorer racial stock, or unsuited for farming—including those with technical skills better utilized in the war industry than on a farm—became the A-cases (Altreich), designated to work inside the [old] Reich. Once classified, the resettlers awaited their final placement.” (Note 4)

As an example, two months after arriving in the Warthegau in March 1944, my grandmother and her children were assessed to be racially German and to have fully “preserved” the German language and culture. They were deemed an “O-case” for settlement in Warthegau. My mother’s 53-year-old aunt Katharina Bräul (#691296)—who had never married and who accompanied my grandmother (her sister-in-law) on the trek out of Ukraine—was deemed an “A-case” (note 5).

Mennonite leader Benjamin H. Unruh liked to remind officials that he was “unconditionally recognized” as the representative of the Mennonite resettler communities and congregations by the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Nationhood and Reichsführer-SS Himmler (note 6). As such, Unruh had access to all of the related offices and officials and was called upon to help settle the more difficult cases.

Himmler “regarded the O-cases as the elite and their placement in the Lebensraum as the highest honor. These S.S. builders of the new racial order assured the Volksdeutsche that their lives, in particular those of the O-cases, would assume great historical importance” (note 7). Accordingly, Unruh was also proud to report to the denominational Vereinigung executive that the Wartheland Nazi Party Governor (Gauleiter) Greiser had “firm intentions of giving land to farmers from the eastern zone, and he especially values Mennonite farmers” (note 8).

“There will be two groups of settlers, O-cases and A-cases. The one group, pure German, will be settled toward the east, but not the other group, for they must first become German. And that is also correct! For most mixed couples only speak Russian, the children too. If they were to come under the Russians again or in their proximity, Russian [language/culture] will become attractive. However if they are in the Reich and only amongst Germans, then they are compelled to become German, at least to make German their primary language.” (Note 9)

“A-cases” could include the elderly and infirm, but they were typically those who had lost their German identity and language, or those who had the language but who were “politically unreliable.” Not a few Mennonites in Ukraine had thrown their hats in with the Communist regime, for example. Unruh reported that the “denunciations” were a particularly difficult problem in the refugee camps, and that those accused by neighbours of collaboration with the Bolsheviks would be given “the opportunity to improve themselves; they will be naturalized for a probationary period, and if they do not prove themselves, then their fate will be severe” (note 10).

It was not unusual for already-traumatized families to become “splintered.” “A-case” Mennonites were normally settled at a distance from their “O-case” family members—or worse ("Abl" = Ablehnung, rejection). Unruh tried to get them placed near German Mennonite communities in the Old Reich, or better: to keep families together. “A whole series of cases, which were very difficult, have found their best settlement. A Mennonite man and woman have been appointed to a position at the EWZ Litzmannstadt, which is significant. The EWZ asked me to make submissions a little later on the matter of the A-cases ...” (note 11).

Unruh wrote to the denominational executive in July 1944:

"We will ask that the A-cases be reduced as far as possible by allowing the ‘splinter families’ and the infirm to join the O-cases as much as possible. The EWZ, however, is more skeptical about such an action. We should rather make a petition to the VoMi (Ethnic German Liason Office) and ask that the A-cases be settled together and, if possible, in the vicinity of our co-religionists. I think that both possibilities should be considered. ... The hereditary-biological cases, as we were told in the EWZ, could not be settled in Warthegau. As for the mixed [-race] cases, all our people are of the opinion that they should be placed in the Old Reich [for German-ization].” (Note 12)

There is nothing in my great-aunt Tina Bräul’s EWZ application file that indicates why she was assessed differently than all the others in her clan—a brother, an adult niece, cousins, in-laws. But she was allowed to stay in Warthegau near family in the town of Exin where she cooked for Polish labourers.

Those deemed “biological-genetically weak” were removed from families. Another aunt by marriage was worried that her mother could be “eliminated” if hospitalized because of her epilepsy (note 13). Albert Dahl of Marienthal remembered that some of their Mennonites simply “disappeared” upon arrival in Warthegau—the handicapped and mentally weak (note 14). This was consistent with the Racial Policy of the Reich, which assumed that the “rise and fall of a people’s culture depends above all on the maintenance, care, and purity of its valuable racial inheritance” (note 15).

None of this was inconsequential for Unruh’s application to the state to have the proposed “Mennonite Church (Gemeindekirche) in Wartheland” statutes /constitution approved. It would be a racially defined church without Christian responsibility, charity and service with Poles or Jews.

“The Volk-community of Greater Germany has cast its eye on us as experienced Mennonite farmers. They want to put our people to work when the victory is won. For our part we will need an unbroken Volk-community too. We are too devout not to know that it [the Volk-community] must be sustained and consecrated by Christian faith, not merely—but that too!—by [German] blood. … This is our historical duty in this historical hour!” (Note 16)

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Cf. Mennonite Extractions/ Index of Mennonites Appearing in the Einwandererzentrallestelle (EWZ) Files," 1943-44, https://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/russia/EWZ_Mennonite_Extractions_Alphabetized.pdf. Note: Women are listed by maiden name. A file can be requested from the Mennonite Historical Society of British Columbia, genealogy@mhsbc.com 

Note 2: See Babette Heusterberg, “Personenbezogene Unterlagen aus der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus,” HEROLD-Jahrbuch, Neue Folge (Neustadt a.d. Aisch: Degener, 2000), 147-186, https://www.bundesarchiv.de/DE/Content/Publikationen/Aufsaetze/aufsatz-heusterberg-persbez-unterlagen-ns-zeit.pdf. On A-Cases and O-Cases, as well as hereditary-biological conditions, see also: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Einwandererzentralstelle. For “determination of fit and desirability” for population growth (a Roman numeral, I to IV stamped on the form), as well as the pressure placed on families to eliminate their “Old Testament given names,” “especially among Mennonites,” see previous post (forthcoming).

Note 3: Valdis O. Lumans, “Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews in the Volhynia-Galicia Narew Resettlement,” in The Impact of Nazism: New Perspectives on the Third Reich and Its Legacy, edited by Alan E. Steinweis and Daniel E. Rogers (Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 94, https://books.google.ca/books?id=RZ7igJKC6YQC&lpg=PA94&dq=A-case%20volksdeutsche%20litzmannstadt&pg=PA94#v=snippet&q=A-cases&f=false.

Note 4: Lumans, “Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews,” 94.

Note 5: Helene Thiessen Bräul, #A3342-EWZ50-A073(GRanDMA ##466431); Katharina Bräul, #A3342-EWZ50-A073 (GRanDMA #691296). Einwandererzentrale (Central Immigration Office), National Archives Collection Microfilm Publication A3342, Series EWZ, Washington, DC.

Note 6: Benjamin H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Vollbericht über die Lagerbesuche,” (January 7, 1944), 2b. From: Benjamin Unruh Collection, “Correspondence with Abraham Braun, 1930, 1940, 1944–45,” Vereinigung 1944, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof (MFW). See also my essay “Benjamin Unruh, MCC [Mennonite Central Committee] and National Socialism,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 96, no. 2 (April 2022), 157–205, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1571 (condensed in Intersections: MCC Practice and Theory Quarterly 9, no. 4 (Fall 2021), 17–27, https://mcc.org/media/resources/10441).

Note 7: Lumans, “Reassessment of Volksdeutsche and Jews,” 94.

Note 8: B. H. Unruh, “Bericht über Verhandlungen in Warthegau im März 1944” (March 30, 1944), 6b, Unruh-Braun Correspondence, MFW.

Note 9: B. H. Unruh, “Lagerbericht,” 3b.

Note 10: B. H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Vollbericht über die Lagerbesuche,” (January 7, 1944), 5b, Unruh-Braun Correspondence, MFW.

Note 11: B. H, Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Kurzbericht” (November 21, 1944), 1b, Vereinigung Collection 1944, MFW.

Note 12: B. H. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, “Mein Bericht über meine zweite Reise in den Warthegau” (July 17, 1944), Vereinigung Collection 1944, MFW.

Note 13: Katharine Bräul Fast, interview with author, July 26, 2017.

Note 14: Albert Dahl, interview with author, July 26, 2017.

Note 15: In Anson Rabinbach and Sander Gilman, eds., The Third Reich Sourcebook (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2013), 171.

Note 16: “Zur Tauffrage: Ergänzung I zur Einigungsfrage,” (January 31, 1944), 6b, from Unruh-Braun Correspondence, MFW, See also: “Satzung der Mennonitischen Gemeindekirche im Wartheland” (March 1944 Submission), from Vereinigung Collection, File Folder 1944, MFW. 

Newspaper scan: Eugen Petrull, “Von der Molotschna bis zur Warthe—160,000 Schwarzmeer- und Shitomir-deutsche kommen ins Wartheland,” Ostdeutscher Beobachter 6, no. 71 (March 12, 1944), 5, https://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/publication/125852/edition/134988/content.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "A-Cases and O-Cases. After the Trek, 1944," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 23, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/p/a-cases-and-o-cases-after-trek-1944.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an inf...

Soviet “Farmer Giesbrecht” and the German Communist Press, 1930

The 1930 booklet  Bauer Giesbrecht was published by the Communist Party press in Germany —some months after most of the 3,885 Mennonite refugees at Moscow had been transported from Germany to Canada, Paraguay and Brazil ( note 1 ). In Fall 1929 Germany set aside an astonishingly large sum of money and flexed its full diplomatic muscle to extract these “German Farmers” (mostly Mennonites) who had fled the Soviet countryside for Moscow in a last ditch attempt to flee the "Soviet Paradise". About 9,000 however were forcibly turned back. Communists in Germany saw their country’s aid operation—which their crushed economy could ill afford—as a blatant propaganda attempt to embarrass Stalin with formerly wealthy ethnic German farmers and preachers willing to tell the world’s press the worst "lies." With Heinrich Kornelius Giesbrecht from the former Mennonite Barnaul Colony in Western Siberia they finally had a poster-boy to make their point: in Germany he had seen an...

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

Easter and Molotschna's First Ethnic German Cavalry Regiment of the Waffen-SS, 1942

For the two years of German occupation, 1941-43, the Molotschna Settlement area—renamed “Halbstadt” after its largest village—was under S.S. ( Schutzstaffel ) control. During this time, new National Socialist ceremonies and liturgies were introduced to the Mennonites in Ukraine, including Easter. Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler named Halbstadt with its surrounding 144 villages a district commando. SS-Storm Unit Leader ( Sturmbannführer ) Hermann Roßner was appointed the Special Command R[ussia] leader for Halbstadt. Halbstadt had Waffen-SS doctors, a Waffen-SS pharmacist team and pharmacy, hospital equipment from the medical offices of the Waffen-SS and soon a Waffen-SS cavalry self-defense regiment of some 500-plus Mennonite young men ( note 1 ). Two of my uncles became members of the cavalry unit; a later, long-time lay minister in my home congregation was in the regiment as well. SS-celebrations for “Easter” were deliberately non-religious and anti-Christian, though careful ...

Molotschna's 50th Anniversary Celebration Plans, 1854

There is no mention of this celebrative event in Hildebrand’s Chronologischer Zeittafel, no report in the newly launched Prussian church paper Mennonitische Blätter , or in the Unterhaltungsblatt for German colonists in South Russia. But plans to celebrate five decades of Mennonite settlement on the Molotschna River were well underway in 1853; detailed draft notes for the event are found in the Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive ( note 1 ). Perhaps most importantly the file includes the list of names of the first settlers in each of the first nine Molotschna villages (est. 1804). While each village had been mandated a few years earlier to write its own village history ( note 2; pics ), eight of these nine did not list their first settler families by name. The lists with the male family heads are attached below. By 1854 Molotoschna’s population had increased to about 17,000; more than half of those living in the original nine villages were landless Anwohner ( note 3 ). Celeb...

Landless Crisis: Molotschna, 1840s to 1860s

The landless crisis in the mid-1800s in the Molotschna Colony is the context for most other matters of importance to its Mennonites, 1840s to 1860s. When discussing landlessness, historian David G. Rempel has claimed that the “seemingly endemic wranglings and splits” of the Mennonite church in South Russia were only seldom or superficially related to doctrine, and “almost invariably and intimately bound up with some of the most serious social and economic issues” that afflicted one or more of the congregations in the settlement ( note 1 ). It is important from the start to recognize that these Mennonites were not citizens,  but foreign colonists with obligations and privileges that governed their sojourn in New Russia. For Mennonites the privileges, e.g. of land and freedom from military conscription, were connected to the obligation of model farming. Mennonites were given one, and then later two districts of land for this purpose. Within their districts or colonies , villages w...