Skip to main content

“Removal of Old Testament Names” after the Trek, 1944

Or: How my Aunt Sara became an “Else”

I remember as a young adult hearing for the first time that my Aunt Sara’s name was officially “Else”. I was stunned to hear that story. No one had ever told us that!

After the “trek” out of Ukraine and upon naturalization as a German citizen in 1944, my 13-year-old Aunt Sara’s name was changed to “Else.” There are many similar examples. Another Mennonite Sara changed her “Jewish-sounding” name to “Agatha;” one Mennonite boy with the name David was given “the sturdy German” name “Albert;” an “Isaak” took the name “Georg;” and an “Abraham” the name “Gerhard” (note 1). Hundreds of Mennonites (minimally) had their “Old Testament names” changed upon naturalization.

With the annexation of western Poland in 1939, Nazi Germany began to remove Poles and Jews and to settle the new territory of Warthegau with "Germans". Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler had said: “I want to create a blond province here” (note 2). In 1943-44 most of the 35,000 Mennonites from Ukraine were settled here as part of the plan to “Germanize” the rural areas. The Central Bureau for Immigration (Einwandererzentralstelle, EWZ) under Himmler with its “racial experts” was responsible for the racial evaluation and naturalization new resettlers.

My grandmother’s EWZ file includes the official form for changing the first name of the applicant, or a child of the applicant. Our family arrived in Warthegau on March 7 and completed their naturalization applications two months later. Changing her daughter Sara's first name is not something my grandmother would have done without some pressure or “coaching.” Her mother’s name was Sara, her sister’s name was Sara, and her daughter too was named Sara.

Recently I located the related document from the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service, Central Bureau for Immigration (EWZ):

Directive No. 4/44, “Regarding the Elimination of Old Testament and Communist Given Names in the Registration of Ethnic Germans from Russia,” March 13, 1944 (note 3).

The directive was written a week after the arrival of my grandmother’s family together with thousands more from Molotschna. Their many "undesired" Old Testament names had clearly caused a problem; Mennonites are mentioned twice in the directive.

“In Bible-believing resettler circles, especially among Mennonites, biblical first names are common, such as: Aaron, Abraham, … Benjamin, David, … Isaac, Jonathan, … Samuel. First names like: Elizabeth, … Maria, Michael, … may, however, be considered to have been Germanized, or rather still common for the time being.

It is desirable that these purely … Jewish-sounding first names, which are not to be considered as Germanized, be changed when [the resettlers] are registered by the Immigration Central Office. However, a forced change is to be avoided in consideration of religious feeling, especially among the Mennonites.

The head of the registration office must therefore point out to the head of the family unit that these … Jewish first names are undesirable in Germany and that the change is not only in the general interest, but also in the interest of the resettled person. If the resettler does not have a second first name, the first name of a German grandfather or grandmother is to be used in place of the undesirable first names in order to strengthen the clan consciousness, but the choice of the first name is to be left up to the resettler. It is to be made certain that only good German first names are selected. If the head of the family does not express a wish, the head of the registration office must make an appropriate suggestion.”

First, it is noteworthy that the Nazi regime recognized Mennonites—after years of religious repression under Stalin—not only as "Bible-believing" and as a unique Christian group, but also as one with significant "religious feeling." Even Nazi officials did not want to push too hard, too fast.

Second, it is important to see how names were politicized; there was a sanctioned list of first names for Jews in Nazi Germany as well. In cases where Jews had forenames other than those allowed, as of August 1938 they were required to adopt a second name for passports and identity papers; for women it was “Sarah” and for men “Israel” (note 4).

A list of recommended common German first names was distributed to offices in Warthegau in May as an addendum to the March directive, “so that German given names can be suggested to the resettlers when necessary” (note 5). 

This is how my Aunt Sarah became “Else”.

What is the generational impact? No one called my aunt "Else" after the war though that remained her official name. Of my grandmother’s fourteen grandchildren, curiously, all but two of the names appear on the list of "recommended German given names": Arnold, Eduard, Elfrieda, Elvira, Erwin, Gerlinde, Hans, Harold, Helga, Ingrid, Reinhold and Waldemar. But there is no "Sara".

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Cf. EWZ files for Helene Bräul (daughter Sara/Else), A3342-EWZ50-A073, 1946; Sara (Agatha) Penner, A3342-EWZ50-A056, 1282; see Dorothy Siebert, Whatever it takes, 2nd ed. (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 2004), 35; cf. Doris L. Bergen, “Mourning, Mass Death and Gray Zone: The Ethnic Germans of Eastern Europe and World War II,” in Symbolic Loss: The Ambiguity of Mourning and Loss at Century’s End, edited by Peter Homans (Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2000), 172 (names altered); Abraham (Gerhard) Arendt, A3342-EWZ50-A015, 716.

Note 2:  Chef des Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamtes-SS Günther Pancke to Himmler, December 20, 1939, letter, Bundesarchiv NS 2/60, Blatt 4, https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/direktlink/d90b9bc3-f8d2-441d-af46-36a23b3a5d11/; also reported by SS-Sturmbannführer Künzel, December 12, 1939, Blatt 16. In this context Künzel quotes Hitler extensively on racial value from his Mein Kampf (1931, pp. 448f.).

Note 3: SS-Obersturmbannführer von Malsen,  "Anordnung Nr. 4/44, Betr.: Beseitigung alttestamentarischer und kommunistischer Vornamen bei der Erfassung der Volksdeutschen aus Rußland (March 13, 1944)," from Bundesarchiv Berlin, R 69/401, pp. 81 to 81b, https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/direktlink/07e0520a-72c1-47bc-9084-966c35d84fa8/.

Note 4: For example, cf., https://www.lbi.org/1938projekt/detail/israel-and-sara/; https://www.cbc.ca/radio/ideas/how-nazis-used-personal-names-to-spawn-the-holocaust-1.5818120.

Note 5: Regierungsrat Hahn, Addendum to “Anordnung Nr. 4/44, Betr.: Beseitigung alttestamentarischer und kommunistischer Vornamen (May 26, 1944)," idem, 82 to 82b.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fas.t, “‘Removal of Old Testament Names’ after the Trek, 1944,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 23, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/removal-of-old-testament-names-after.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

Flooding as a weapon of war, 1657

If a picture is worth a thousand words, then these maps speak volumes. In February 1657, the Swedish King Carolus Gustavus ordered an intentional breach of the embankments along the Vistula River to completely flood the villages of the Danzig Werder. See the vivid punctures and water flow in 1657 map below; compare with the 1730 maps with rebuilt villages and farms ( note 1 ). In Polish memory this war is appropriately remembered as "The Deluge". Villages in the Danzig Werder (delta) from which Mennonites immigrated to Russia include: Quadendorf, Reichenberg, Krampitz, Neunhuben, Hochzeit, Scharfenberg, Wotzlaff, Landau, Schönau, Nassenhuben, Mönchengrebin, and Nobel ( note 2 ). In the war the suburbs outside the gates of Danzig suffered most; Mennonites lived here in large numbers, e.g., in Alt Schottland and Stoltzenberg. First, these villages were completely razed by the City of Danzig to keep the invading Swedes from using the villages to their advantage in battle. ...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Mennonite “Displaced Persons” and MCC’s “Jewish Argument”

At the conclusion of the war Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) was fully aware that “their” 13,000-plus Russian Mennonite refugees in Germany did not qualify as displaced persons and for support from the International Refugee Organization. They were refused IRO “care and maintenance” as Soviet citizens, i.e., they were free to return home. MCC sought to convince the IRO that the Mennonite refugees were not “Soviet Germans” and--if they had became German citizens in Warthegau (also a disqualifier), it was done under duress ( note 1 ). Astonishingly MCC’s Europe Director Peter J. Dyck—later seen as the Moses of the Mennonites—proposed to top military personnel at US military headquarters in Frankfurt, Germany (USFET) in July 1946, that Mennonites be granted the same status as Jews as a persecuted people. “By a recent decree all Jews, regardless of their nationality, are automatically given the status of 'D.P.' [displaced person] on the grounds that they are victims of persecu...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

The Flight to Moscow 1929

In 1926, my grandfather’s sister Justina Fast (b. 1896) and her husband Peter Görzen moved from Krassikow, Neu Samara (Soviet Union) to village no. 5 Dejewka, Orenburg. “We thought we would live our lives here with our children secure in the hands of God. But the times were becoming turbulent,” Justina recalled. In May 1929 they travelled back to Krassikow for Pentecost to visit with her mother, brothers and their families. But when they returned to their home, she writes, “… a large quota of grain was demanded of us. But we had nothing, and the harvest was not yet in. Then we heard that many were planning to move to Canada, including my three siblings with my mother, and my husband's three sisters too. My husband decided to go to Moscow first to see if it was possible and what was required for emigration. We made the decision to leave when the harvest was complete. At that time so many people were leaving [for Moscow], and early in September we sold everything we had. Only the b...

Immigration to Canada, 1923: Background

In April 1921 Mennonites in the Caucasus and Don Region officially petitioned Moscow for permissions to emigrate—which Lenin had “flatly refused.” Their rationale was more than economic. “The disruption of economic conditions leads to impoverishment, which again goes hand in hand with the degradation of morals and has an alarming impact on our youth, who are also constantly exposed to the pressure of brutal and ruthless agitation on the part of those in power. … This decay of our spiritual and economic goods will only become greater and more ruinous.” ( Note 1 ) Later that year and some months before the large-scale feeding operations could begin in the Soviet Union, American Mennonite Relief (AMR) commissioner A.J. Miller petitioned the Soviet Embassy in London for exit permissions for 20,000 Mennonites ( note 1b) . He was unsuccessful. Nonetheless in a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, key Mennonite leaders took a decision to work toward the re...