Skip to main content

1923 Mennonite immigrants "kept behind": Lechfeld (Bavaria) transit camp

An important part of the larger 1923 immigration story includes the chapter of the hundreds who were held back at Riga and Southampton and taken to the Lechfeld (Bavaria) transit camp for medical care. “Germany generously and magnanimously helped our organizations, on my intercession, to overcome the manifold difficulties connected with such a (Volksbewegung) movement of people in such critical times,” Benjamin H. Unruh wrote some years later (note 1).

Just as the first group of Russländer Mennonites set foot in Canada 100 years ago this month, the North American relief effort in the USSR was also winding down (August 1923).

The famine relief work in 1921 and 1922 had found broad support in the North American Mennonite community. However excitement about a larger immigration of Russian Mennonites to North America was muted, and a new call to action could not forge the same level of cooperation across Mennonite groups. The plan required huge money guarantees.

In USSR B.B. Janz had a list of 3,000 emigrants finalized with exit visas who were prepared to leave. The previous year Janz had persuaded authorities in Kharkiv that a limited group emigration of “starving people” and “undesirables” (i.e., the formerly wealthy) would “substantially benefit” the rural areas and enable economic to begin (note 2).

The door was open but the plan still required capital. In Spring 1923 the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization reduced its goal of capitalization to $1 million and made the corporation a non-profit charitable organization (note 3). Still there was little appetite in southern Manitoba and in the USA. In May 1923 H. H. Ewert (conference leader in Gretna, MB; school principal and inspector) recommended letting the 3,000 applicants come that summer on the Canadian Pacific Railway credit, and the rest could come to Mexico later where land and settlement costs would be cheaper (note 4). David Toews and the Canadian Board of Colonization however pushed ahead.

MCC’s executive secretary and treasurer Levi Mumaw could report in 1923 that “43,000 out of the total 95,000 Mennonites in Russia have [already] registered themselves as anxious to leave at the earliest opportunity” (note 5). On the ground the selection process for who could leave in 1923 (and later) and who would need to wait was not transparent. It did however require health exams, and a family had to have the skills to farm in Canada, and references. Some form of community vote was also necessary (note 6).

“Dr. Buettner wants to have a look at all the prospective emigrants. … The Americans [sic] only want people who are able to work. Every emigrating family must therefore not only have two special references, but also the vote of the community. If 75 percent vouch for the family, it goes; if less, it has to stay behind. Five families have been struck from the list in this way.” (Note 7)

On June 22, 1923 the first group left Chortitza for Alexandrovsk, and on July 13 David Toews received a cable from England that the group had left Southampton on the Empress of France for Canada.

But in the midst of that larger good news story, many families were shocked at Riga when another medical examination by Canadian doctors became unavoidable. Hundreds failed and learnt that they could not proceed--and could in fact be turned back.

On August 2, B.B. Janz sent an urgent cable via German diplomatic mail to Benjamin Unruh in Germany informing him of the “catastrophe” at the over-capacity facilities in Riga; Janz feared the whole emigration movement was again at risk.

Unruh had a reputation for moving mountains. In cooperation with the Deutsche Mennoniten-Hilfe (note 8), Unruh convinced the German government to allow 1,500 Mennonite transmigrants to be housed at Lechfeld (Bavaria) to receive medical care until they were ready to proceed to Canada (note 9). German Mennonites had already been actively hosting “refugees” (vs. transmigrants) who had escaped via Crimea and Constantinople and were in Lechfeld since 1921.

The Mennonite Church’s Gospel Herald reported on September 13:

“Of the full quota of 3,000, as per the contract with the CPR Co. about 400 were rejected after they left Russia and could not be admitted into Canada. Therefore arrangements were made to care for them at Lechfeld, Germany, to which place they were sent. There are no available funds there to provide them with necessary food and clothing. An appeal has been sent by Bro. D. M. Hofer, a former worker in Russian Relief who is now in Germany, that we set apart some funds for their care for the present in Germany. Arrangements have been made to forward $1,000 at once and call for further donations for the work.” (Note 10)

A few months later Unruh wrote: “Of the 255 people in Lechfeld, we were able to move 232, and of the refugees (we distinguish them from the transmigrants) about 150. There is a lot of work, you can imagine. ..." (note 11).

In November 1923 Levi Mumaw reported that “there are about 420 Russian refugees on the Lechfeld in Germany who are depending on American Mennonites for support. They are awaiting permission to emigrate to Canada but may be detained there for the winter” (note 12).

Some years later Unruh recalled: In 1923, out of 3,000 emigrants, no less than 657 who had been deferred by Canadian doctors in Riga and Southampton were taken to the Lechfeld camp and treated there for their final emigration to Canada” (note 13).

It was clear that tens of thousands more Mennonites wished to leave. With the first group safely in Canada, B.B. Janz wrote Unruh: “the people have had enough. Now after they have seen a few leave they only want to depart. … The people are not concerned about the precious articles they leave behind, even if they must depart poor and naked” (note 14).

A year later in 1924 the Gospel Herald reported that the CMBofC signed a new contract April 14, 1924 with the CPR for another 5,000 immigrants and “after considerable difficulty two physicians entered Russia in order to make the necessary physical examinations before the prospective immigrants embarked. On their way to Russia these doctors stopped at Lechfeld to examine those who are detained there. 27 of these were given a clean bill of health. 68 are still remaining in Lechfeld” (note 15).

Between July 1923 and summer of 1926 when the Lecheld transit camp closed, Peter Letkemann estimates that “thousands” of Mennonite transmigrants from the USSR to Canada were temporarily housed at the camp (note 16).

As Mennonites celebrate 100 years since the release and settlements of thousands, it is important to recall not only that thousands more had wished to leave but could not, but that hundred who made it as far as Riga were almost turned back if not for the supportive role of the Germany and the support at the Lechfeld transit camp.

        ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Cf. Benjamin H. Unruh to District Advisor (Gebietsreferent) for Latin America, [Ernst G.] Kienitz, Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland, December 3, 1938 (B. H. Unruh Nachlaß, Box 3, File 18; undated fragment, pp. 3-5, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof (hereafter MFStW). Note: Missing 2 pages are in File 13, December 3, 1938, Unruh to Volksbund f. d. Deutschtum im Ausland.

Note 2: John B. Toews, The Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite Emigration from Soviet Russia, 1921–1927 (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1967), 132f.; 140; https://archive.org/details/lostfatherlandst0000toew. Cf. “Minutes of the Union Board Meeting, May 7–8, 1924” in John B. Toews and Paul Toews, Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine (1922–1927): Mennonite and Soviet Documents, translated by J. B. Toews, O. Shmakina, and W. Regehr (Fresno, CA: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 2011), 215f.; also “Resolution of the Verband on emigration, Feb. 26–28, 1925,” ibid., 220f., https://archive.org/details/unionofcitizenso0000unse.

Note 3: Cf. David Toews to W. H. Ewert, May 1, 1923, letter, from Mennonite Library and Archives, Bethel College (MLA-B), MS 6, folder “General Correspondence 1922, May to September,” https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_6/024%20General%20correspondence%201922%20May-September/183.jpg.

Note 4: H. H. Ewert to Wilhelm J. Ewert, May 18, 1923, letter, from MLA-B, MS 6, folder “General Correspondence 1923, January to June,” https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_6/026%20General%20correspondence%201923%20January-June/140.jpg.

Note 5: Gospel Herald 16, no. 33 (November 15, 1923), 680, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192316kauf/page/680/mode/2up.

Note 6: James Urry, “After the rooster crowed: Some issues concerning the interpretation of Mennonite/ Bolshevik relations during the early Soviet period,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 13 (1995), 45 n.9, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/442.

Note 7: Diary of Anna Baerg, 1916–1924, translated and edited by Gerald Peters (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1985), 112.

Note 8: On Lechfeld, see: Harold Bender’s article on “Lechfeld” in GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Lechfeld_(Freistaat_Bayern,_Germany); Peter Letkemann, “Mennonite Refugee Camps in Germany, 1921-1951: Part I – Lager Lechfeld,” Mennonite Historian 38, no. 3, 2012, https://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/38.3.MHSep12.pdf; Peter Letkemann, “The Mennonite Refugee Effort in Lager Lechfeld, 1921-1926: Beating Swords into Plowshares?,” Mennonite Quarterly Review, 90, no. 3 (July 2016), 277-306; also Deutsche Mennoniten-Hilfe, ihre Entstehung und Arbeitsgebiete (Oberursel, 1924), 24-28, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1924,%20Deutsche%20Mennonitenhilfe/. For articles in the Mennonitische Rundschau that reference Lechfeld, see: https://archive.org/details/pub_die-mennonitische-rundschau?tab=collection&query=lechfeld&sin=TXT&sort=date.

Note 9: Cf. also Benjamin H. Unruh, Memorandum to Military Government at Buchen/Baden, July 20, 1945, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_295/folder_14/SKMBT_C35107061313230_0005.jpg; also Mennonitische Rundschau 46, no. 49 (December 5, 1923), 10, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1923-12-05_46_49/page/10/mode/2up?q=lechfeld.

Note 10: Gospel Herald 16, no. 24 (September 13, 1923), 504, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192316kauf/page/504/mode/2up.

Note 11: Mennonitische Rundschau 46, no. 49 (December 5, 1923), 10, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1923-12-05_46_49/page/10/mode/2up?q=lechfeld.

Note 12: Gospel Herald 16, no. 33 (November 15, 1923), 680, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192316kauf/page/680/mode/2up.

Note 13: Cf. Unruh to Kienitz, Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland.

Note 14: Cited in J. Toews, Lost Fatherland, 138.

Note 15: The Mennonite 39, no. 34, August 28, 1924, 8, https://archive.org/details/mennonite39unse_0/page/n142/mode/1up?q=lechfeld.

Note 16: Cf. Letkemann, “The Mennonite Refugee Effort in Lager Lechfeld,” 305.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “1923 Mennonite immigrants 'kept behind': Lechtfeld (Bavaria) transit camp,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), July 26, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/07/1923-mennonite-immigrants-kept-behind.html.


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

"Motherhood of the People": Halbstadt Midwife Helene Berg and the SS

Recently Benjamin Goossen posted an important piece on the “well-known” Halbstadt midwife Helene Berg. Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler had taken a special interest in “old Mrs. Berg” and had publicly recognized her for helping birth some 8,000 Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) babies ( note 1 ). Goossen and I have shared archival materials in the past years. Below I would like to continue the exploration of Taunte Bojsche (or "Aunt Berg") and the surprisingly broad interest in her by Nazi officials as icon. I begin with a family story as a window onto the times. Some 35,000 Mennonites were evacuated out of German-occupied Ukraine in Fall 1943. After a grueling trek west the survivors landed in German-annexed Wartheland (previously Poland) where they were naturalized as German citizens. My grandmother Helene Bräul had eight children, and Helene Berg may very well have been her midwife for one or more of them. Like many Mennonite mothers in Wartheland, my grandmother was ...