Skip to main content

1923 Mennonite immigrants "kept behind": Lechfeld (Bavaria) transit camp

An important part of the larger 1923 immigration story includes the chapter of the hundreds who were held back at Riga and Southampton and taken to the Lechfeld (Bavaria) transit camp for medical care. “Germany generously and magnanimously helped our organizations, on my intercession, to overcome the manifold difficulties connected with such a (Volksbewegung) movement of people in such critical times,” Benjamin H. Unruh wrote some years later (note 1).

Just as the first group of Russländer Mennonites set foot in Canada 100 years ago this month, the North American relief effort in the USSR was also winding down (August 1923).

The famine relief work in 1921 and 1922 had found broad support in the North American Mennonite community. However excitement about a larger immigration of Russian Mennonites to North America was muted, and a new call to action could not forge the same level of cooperation across Mennonite groups. The plan required huge money guarantees.

In USSR B.B. Janz had a list of 3,000 emigrants finalized with exit visas who were prepared to leave. The previous year Janz had persuaded authorities in Kharkiv that a limited group emigration of “starving people” and “undesirables” (i.e., the formerly wealthy) would “substantially benefit” the rural areas and enable economic to begin (note 2).

The door was open but the plan still required capital. In Spring 1923 the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization reduced its goal of capitalization to $1 million and made the corporation a non-profit charitable organization (note 3). Still there was little appetite in southern Manitoba and in the USA. In May 1923 H. H. Ewert (conference leader in Gretna, MB; school principal and inspector) recommended letting the 3,000 applicants come that summer on the Canadian Pacific Railway credit, and the rest could come to Mexico later where land and settlement costs would be cheaper (note 4). David Toews and the Canadian Board of Colonization however pushed ahead.

MCC’s executive secretary and treasurer Levi Mumaw could report in 1923 that “43,000 out of the total 95,000 Mennonites in Russia have [already] registered themselves as anxious to leave at the earliest opportunity” (note 5). On the ground the selection process for who could leave in 1923 (and later) and who would need to wait was not transparent. It did however require health exams, and a family had to have the skills to farm in Canada, and references. Some form of community vote was also necessary (note 6).

“Dr. Buettner wants to have a look at all the prospective emigrants. … The Americans [sic] only want people who are able to work. Every emigrating family must therefore not only have two special references, but also the vote of the community. If 75 percent vouch for the family, it goes; if less, it has to stay behind. Five families have been struck from the list in this way.” (Note 7)

On June 22, 1923 the first group left Chortitza for Alexandrovsk, and on July 13 David Toews received a cable from England that the group had left Southampton on the Empress of France for Canada.

But in the midst of that larger good news story, many families were shocked at Riga when another medical examination by Canadian doctors became unavoidable. Hundreds failed and learnt that they could not proceed--and could in fact be turned back.

On August 2, B.B. Janz sent an urgent cable via German diplomatic mail to Benjamin Unruh in Germany informing him of the “catastrophe” at the over-capacity facilities in Riga; Janz feared the whole emigration movement was again at risk.

Unruh had a reputation for moving mountains. In cooperation with the Deutsche Mennoniten-Hilfe (note 8), Unruh convinced the German government to allow 1,500 Mennonite transmigrants to be housed at Lechfeld (Bavaria) to receive medical care until they were ready to proceed to Canada (note 9). German Mennonites had already been actively hosting “refugees” (vs. transmigrants) who had escaped via Crimea and Constantinople and were in Lechfeld since 1921.

The Mennonite Church’s Gospel Herald reported on September 13:

“Of the full quota of 3,000, as per the contract with the CPR Co. about 400 were rejected after they left Russia and could not be admitted into Canada. Therefore arrangements were made to care for them at Lechfeld, Germany, to which place they were sent. There are no available funds there to provide them with necessary food and clothing. An appeal has been sent by Bro. D. M. Hofer, a former worker in Russian Relief who is now in Germany, that we set apart some funds for their care for the present in Germany. Arrangements have been made to forward $1,000 at once and call for further donations for the work.” (Note 10)

A few months later Unruh wrote: “Of the 255 people in Lechfeld, we were able to move 232, and of the refugees (we distinguish them from the transmigrants) about 150. There is a lot of work, you can imagine. ..." (note 11).

In November 1923 Levi Mumaw reported that “there are about 420 Russian refugees on the Lechfeld in Germany who are depending on American Mennonites for support. They are awaiting permission to emigrate to Canada but may be detained there for the winter” (note 12).

Some years later Unruh recalled: In 1923, out of 3,000 emigrants, no less than 657 who had been deferred by Canadian doctors in Riga and Southampton were taken to the Lechfeld camp and treated there for their final emigration to Canada” (note 13).

It was clear that tens of thousands more Mennonites wished to leave. With the first group safely in Canada, B.B. Janz wrote Unruh: “the people have had enough. Now after they have seen a few leave they only want to depart. … The people are not concerned about the precious articles they leave behind, even if they must depart poor and naked” (note 14).

A year later in 1924 the Gospel Herald reported that the CMBofC signed a new contract April 14, 1924 with the CPR for another 5,000 immigrants and “after considerable difficulty two physicians entered Russia in order to make the necessary physical examinations before the prospective immigrants embarked. On their way to Russia these doctors stopped at Lechfeld to examine those who are detained there. 27 of these were given a clean bill of health. 68 are still remaining in Lechfeld” (note 15).

Between July 1923 and summer of 1926 when the Lecheld transit camp closed, Peter Letkemann estimates that “thousands” of Mennonite transmigrants from the USSR to Canada were temporarily housed at the camp (note 16).

As Mennonites celebrate 100 years since the release and settlements of thousands, it is important to recall not only that thousands more had wished to leave but could not, but that hundred who made it as far as Riga were almost turned back if not for the supportive role of the Germany and the support at the Lechfeld transit camp.

        ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Cf. Benjamin H. Unruh to District Advisor (Gebietsreferent) for Latin America, [Ernst G.] Kienitz, Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland, December 3, 1938 (B. H. Unruh Nachlaß, Box 3, File 18; undated fragment, pp. 3-5, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof (hereafter MFStW). Note: Missing 2 pages are in File 13, December 3, 1938, Unruh to Volksbund f. d. Deutschtum im Ausland.

Note 2: John B. Toews, The Lost Fatherland: The Story of the Mennonite Emigration from Soviet Russia, 1921–1927 (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1967), 132f.; 140; https://archive.org/details/lostfatherlandst0000toew. Cf. “Minutes of the Union Board Meeting, May 7–8, 1924” in John B. Toews and Paul Toews, Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine (1922–1927): Mennonite and Soviet Documents, translated by J. B. Toews, O. Shmakina, and W. Regehr (Fresno, CA: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 2011), 215f.; also “Resolution of the Verband on emigration, Feb. 26–28, 1925,” ibid., 220f., https://archive.org/details/unionofcitizenso0000unse.

Note 3: Cf. David Toews to W. H. Ewert, May 1, 1923, letter, from Mennonite Library and Archives, Bethel College (MLA-B), MS 6, folder “General Correspondence 1922, May to September,” https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_6/024%20General%20correspondence%201922%20May-September/183.jpg.

Note 4: H. H. Ewert to Wilhelm J. Ewert, May 18, 1923, letter, from MLA-B, MS 6, folder “General Correspondence 1923, January to June,” https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_6/026%20General%20correspondence%201923%20January-June/140.jpg.

Note 5: Gospel Herald 16, no. 33 (November 15, 1923), 680, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192316kauf/page/680/mode/2up.

Note 6: James Urry, “After the rooster crowed: Some issues concerning the interpretation of Mennonite/ Bolshevik relations during the early Soviet period,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 13 (1995), 45 n.9, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/442.

Note 7: Diary of Anna Baerg, 1916–1924, translated and edited by Gerald Peters (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1985), 112.

Note 8: On Lechfeld, see: Harold Bender’s article on “Lechfeld” in GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Lechfeld_(Freistaat_Bayern,_Germany); Peter Letkemann, “Mennonite Refugee Camps in Germany, 1921-1951: Part I – Lager Lechfeld,” Mennonite Historian 38, no. 3, 2012, https://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/38.3.MHSep12.pdf; Peter Letkemann, “The Mennonite Refugee Effort in Lager Lechfeld, 1921-1926: Beating Swords into Plowshares?,” Mennonite Quarterly Review, 90, no. 3 (July 2016), 277-306; also Deutsche Mennoniten-Hilfe, ihre Entstehung und Arbeitsgebiete (Oberursel, 1924), 24-28, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1924,%20Deutsche%20Mennonitenhilfe/. For articles in the Mennonitische Rundschau that reference Lechfeld, see: https://archive.org/details/pub_die-mennonitische-rundschau?tab=collection&query=lechfeld&sin=TXT&sort=date.

Note 9: Cf. also Benjamin H. Unruh, Memorandum to Military Government at Buchen/Baden, July 20, 1945, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_295/folder_14/SKMBT_C35107061313230_0005.jpg; also Mennonitische Rundschau 46, no. 49 (December 5, 1923), 10, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1923-12-05_46_49/page/10/mode/2up?q=lechfeld.

Note 10: Gospel Herald 16, no. 24 (September 13, 1923), 504, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192316kauf/page/504/mode/2up.

Note 11: Mennonitische Rundschau 46, no. 49 (December 5, 1923), 10, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1923-12-05_46_49/page/10/mode/2up?q=lechfeld.

Note 12: Gospel Herald 16, no. 33 (November 15, 1923), 680, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192316kauf/page/680/mode/2up.

Note 13: Cf. Unruh to Kienitz, Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland.

Note 14: Cited in J. Toews, Lost Fatherland, 138.

Note 15: The Mennonite 39, no. 34, August 28, 1924, 8, https://archive.org/details/mennonite39unse_0/page/n142/mode/1up?q=lechfeld.

Note 16: Cf. Letkemann, “The Mennonite Refugee Effort in Lager Lechfeld,” 305.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “1923 Mennonite immigrants 'kept behind': Lechtfeld (Bavaria) transit camp,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), July 26, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/07/1923-mennonite-immigrants-kept-behind.html.


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

Flight from Flanders to Friesland

In the latter half of the sixteenth century Protestantism gradually spread throughout the northern Netherlands in the form of Calvinism—which had a direct impact on Anabaptists. When the Northern Provinces of the Netherlands led by the exiled Protestant Prince William of Orange went to war against Spain in 1568, persecution of Anabaptists in Catholic Flanders increased again. Long before the Protestant Northern Provinces would declare independence in 1581, the inquisition against Anabaptists in Bruges, for example, had achieved its goal. With the last two Anabaptist executions in the city in 1573, the once large and thriving Mennonite congregation was extinguished. Subsequently Mennonites lived in Bruges only on rare occasions, and when present, for only a short time, as for example the well-known art historian Karel van Mander in 1582 ( note 1 ). In the Northern Provinces Calvinism had become attractive theologically and politically. Not only was Christian resistance to tyrannical gov...

"In the Case of Extreme Danger" - Menno Pass and Refugee crisis, 1945-46

"In the Case of Extreme Danger 1. We are Russian-Mennonite refugees who are returning to Holland, the place of origin. The language is Low German. 2. The Dutch Mennonites there, Doopsgezinde , will take in all fellow-believing Mennonites from Russia who are in danger of compulsory repatriation. 3. The first stage of the journey is to Gronau in Westphalia. 4. As a precaution, purchase a ticket to an intermediate stop first. The last connecting station is Rheine. 5. Opposite Gronau is the Dutch city of Enschede, where you will cross the border. 6. On the border ask for Peter Dyck (Piter Daik), Mennonite Central Committee, Amsterdam, Singel 452. Peter Dyck (or his people) will distribute the relevant papers—“Menno Passes”--and provide further information. 7. Any other border points may also be crossed, with the necessary explanations (who, where to, Mennonites from Russia, Peter Dyck, M.C.C., etc.). The Dutch border Patrol is informed. 8. Here the whole matter must be h...

"Between Monarchs" a lot can happen (like revolt). A Mennonite "Accession" Prayer for the Monarch

It is surprising for many to learn that Russian Mennonites sang the Russian national anthem "God save the Tsar" in special worship services ... frequently! We have a "Mennonite prayer" and sermon sample for the accession of the monarch ( Thronbesteigung ) or its anniversary, with closing prayer-- and another Mennonite sampler of a coronation ( Krönung ) prayer, sermon and closing prayer ( note 1 ). After 70 years with one monarch, the manual is made for a time like this--try sharing it with your Canadian Mennonite pastor ;) Technically there is no “between” monarchs: “The Queen is Dead. Long live the King!” But there is much that happens or can happen before the coronation of the new monarch. Including revolt. Mennonites in Molotschna had hosted Tsar Alexander I shortly before his death in 1825. Upon his death in December, Alexander's brother and heir Constantine declined succession, and prior to the coronation of the next brother Nicholas, some 3,000 rebel (mos...

"They are useful to the state." An almost forgotten Prussian view of Mennonites, ca. 1780s-90s

In 1787 Mennonite interest for emigration was extremely strong outside the quasi independent City of Danzig in the Prussian annexed Marienwerder and Elbing regions. Even before the land scouts Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner had returned from Russia later that year, so many Mennonite exit applications had flooded offices that officials wrote Berlin in August 1787 for direction ( note 1a ). Initially officials did not see a problem: because Mennonites do not provide soldiers, the cantons lose nothing by their departure, and in fact benefit from the ten-percent tax imposed on financial assets leaving the state.  Ludwig von Baczko (1756-1823), Professor of History at the Artillery Academy in Königsberg, East Prussia, was the general editor of a series that included a travelogue through Prussia written by a certain Karl Ephraim Nanke. Nanke had no special love for Mennonites, but was generally balanced in his judgements and based his now almost forgotten account of Mennonites on perso...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Non-Resistant Service: Forestry Camps

The 1902 photos are of the Mennonite Crimean Forestry ( Forstei ) “Commando” in the vineyards and orchards of southern Crimea on route to Yalta (" Gut [estate] Forroß";  note 1). The tasks for the units or commandos were to plant forests, lay out nurseries, and raise model orchards—work not directly or meaningfully connected to non-resistance, but deemed by the state as an acceptable alternative to state or military service. This non-combatant, alternative service program was the largest, most expensive and most formative, faith-based undertaking by Mennonites during the Mennonite "golden era" in Russia ( note 2 ). The first cohort of young men were chosen and sent for their term of alternative service in 1880: “On November 15 [1880] in Tokmak the first German youth were chosen [by lot] in the presence of the [Mennonite] district mayor and also of Elder A. Goerz. There, with singing and prayer, they beseeched the Lord for His mercy, which interested the Russian ...