Skip to main content

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism (Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch (note 1).

Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” (note 2).

In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences between the Frisian and Flemish Mennonite groups.

From the earliest years, the predominant language among the smaller Frisian Mennonite group had been more German than Dutch, whereas the larger Flemish Mennonite population used Dutch exclusively. As early as 1671, a letter written to the Het Lam congregation in Amsterdam by five Frisian Danzig preachers—they were accused of having many “drinkers” in their congregation—was written in High German. Five other letters from Frisian congregations in the Greater Delta in the same decade were also written in High German (note 3). A century later in 1782, the Frisian Danzig minister and translator of selections from Martyrs Mirror lamented the dearth of Anabaptist materials available in “our High German language” (note 4).

Early in the 1700s Flemish ministers in the Greater Delta preached “largely in Dutch or in Low German” (note 5). The change in the pulpit language to High German was complete by mid-century--except in Danzig. Longtime Elder Hans van Steen (d. 1780) "had an excellent command of the Dutch language both in speaking and in writing and resisted the transition from Dutch preaching to German" (note 6).

A Danzig Flemish family Bible contains records written in 1734 mostly in Dutch mixed with some German; entries by the same writer six years later are written in High German. Yet as late as 1752 Flemish Mennonites ordered 3,000 Dutch hymnals from Amsterdam (note 7).

In the Danzig Flemish Mennonite Church, visiting Elbing-Ellerwalde Elder Gerhard Wiebe was the first to preach a German sermon, September 19, 1762; apparently Wiebe’s sermon was not well received. When Heubuden’s Flemish elder Cornelius Regier preached in German in Danzig on April 20, 1767, he “found greater approval” (note 8). 

The Polish Prussian rural churches with the leadership of Gerhard Wiebe produced a first German hymnal in 1767. The shift in language was inevitable after the First Partition of Poland under new Prussian rule; one diary notes: "30 March 1777. On the first holiday of Easter the Dutch hymnals are set aside in Ladekop and High German is adopted for signing hymns" (note 9). In his first preface to the German hymnal, Wiebe wrote: 

"Most of our co-religionists had grown up with Dutch. However because we use High German in preaching and singing, as well as when instructing the youth here in our Mennonite congregations (Taufgesinnten Gemeinen) here in W. Prussia, we made the decision (with Divine assistance) to publish this hymnal, in the certain hope that it will serve for general edification, and that God-seeking souls will derive no small benefit from it." (Note 10).

Cultural change was inevitable for the congregation in Danzig as well. While van Steen's preference for worship was Dutch, he was ultimately responsible for Danzig's first German hymnal in 1780. The collection was significantly different than that used in the rural Prussian congregations. However both were designed not only for use in public worship, but also for private and family settings to “awaken devotion and edification,” and in particular for the youth—that they may “not use it out of mere habit, but rather for the true uplifting of the heart,” as van Steen wrote in his preface (note 11).

The next year a Mennonite confession of faith written in Dutch in 1730 was translated into German and published for use in Heubuden (1768; note 12).

The first German sermon to be preached in Danzig by one of its own ministers, however, did not take place until January 1, 1771 (note 13).

When did Mennonites in Polish-Prussia and Danzig begin to use a German Bible? I am not aware of any source that mentions a switch of Bibles, but I would assume a German sermon was accompanied by scripture reading in German.

Mennonite migration to New Russia began in 1788.

Resources for faith formation in New Russia were limited from the start. In 1806, ministers in the Molotschna and Chortitza colonies begged (in German) the mother congregations in Prussia to send more German Bibles, catechisms, and hymnals—but Dutch texts would also do, “for we can still read Dutch without difficulty" (note 14).

In his Mennonite Encyclopedia article on the German language West Prussian Mennonite Geistreiches Gesangbuch, Cornelius Krahn wrote in 1955 that the hymnal had  "the unusual record of having been in use for nearly 200 years ... going through 11 editions in Prussia, 7 in Russia, 11 in America, and 2 in Mexico, a total of 33 editions ranging from 3,000 to 5,000 copies each, making it the most widely used hymnbook of the Prussian-Russian Mennonites” (note 15).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Map: Horst Penner, Ansiedlung mennonitischer Niederländer im Weichselmündungsgebiet von der Mitte des 16. Jh. bis zum Beginn der Preußischen Zeit (Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein, 1940), 145, http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=33883.

Note 1: Georg Hansen, Ein Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend durch einen Liebhaber der Wahrheit gestellt und ans Licht gebracht im Jahre Christi 1671 (Elkhart, IN: Mennonite Publishing, 1892). Also idem, Confession oder Kurtze und einfältige Glaubens-Bekänetenüsse derer Mennonisten in Preußen, so man nennet die Clarichen (N.p. 1678), https://dhb.thulb.uni-jena.de/receive/ufb_cbu_00010148

Note 2: Cf. Jacob Denner's Christlich- und Erbauliche Betrachtungen über die Sonn- und Festtags-Evangelia des ganzen Jahrs, neue Auflage (Königsberg, [1730] 1751), https://gdz.sub.uni-goettingen.de/id/PPN819172022; also Hermann G. Mannhardt, “Geschichte der Predigt in den deutschen Mennoniten-Gemeinden (Fortsetzung),” Mennonitische Blätter 38, no. 5 (March 1, 1891), 28–29, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Blaetter/1854-1900/1891/DSCF1343.JPG.

Note 3: Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten in ihrem religiösen und sozialen Leben in ihren kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Leistungen, Teil 1, 1526–1772, 2nd edition (Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein, 1994), 178f. English draft: https://www.mharchives.ca/download/3408/.

Note 4: Isaak van Dühren, Geschichte der Märtyrer, oder kurze historische Nachricht von den Verfolgungen der Mennonisten (Königsberg: Hartung, 1782/1788), 3; 34, https://gdz.sub.unigoettingen.de/id/PPN660141337.

Note 5: Abraham Hartwich, Geographisch-Historische Landes-Beschribung [sic] derer dreyen im Pohlnischen Preußen liegenden Werdern (Königsberg, 1723), 290, http://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10000874.html.

Note 6: Jacob A. Duerksen, "Transition from Dutch to German in West Prussia," Mennonite Life 22, no. 3 (July 1967), 109, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1967jul.pdf

Note 7: Hans van Steen, “Ein Danziger Brief an Martin Möllinger” (November 30, 1769), reprinted in Christlicher Gemeinde-Kalender 5 (1896), 82, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Christlicher%20Gemeinde-Kalender/1892-1900/1896/.

Note 8: From the “Danziger Chronik,” cited in “Familiengeschichte des Cornelius Regier, 1743–1793 und seiner Nachkommen (Auszug),” (Bolanden-Weierhof: Mennonitische Forschungsstelle, n.d.), 12, https://chortitza.org/Pis/Regier.pdf.

Note 9: “Lehn Diary,” transliteration and translation by Waldemar Henry Lehn, 2010. From Mennonite Heritage Archives, Winnipeg, MB.

Note 10Geistreiches Gesangbuch, worin nebst denen Psalmen Davids eine Samlung auserlesener alter und neuer Lieder zu finden ist, zur allgemenen Erbauung herausgegeben, edited by Gerhard Wiebe (Königsberg: Kanter, 1767/1775), https://mla.bethelks.edu/books/783_952_G279_1775_c3/.

Note 11: Geistreiches Gesangbuch, zur öffentlichen und besondern Erbauung der Mennonitischen Gemeine in und vor der Stadt Danzig, edited by Hans van Steen (Marienwerder, West Preußen, 1780), 4 (link). See Hans-Jürgen Goertz, Pieter Post and Peter Letkemann, “Gemeindegesang und Gesangbücher der Mennoniten (Europa),” in Mennonitisches Lexikon (MennLex), volume V, http://mennlex.de/doku.php?id=top:gemeindegesang.

Note 12See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/creating-spiritual-tradition-nine-core.html.

Note 13: See notes 6 and 8 above.

Note 14: Cf. Jakob Wienß to Joh. Kaunhowen, June 21, 1806, letter, “Alte Briefe,” Mennonitische Warte 4, no. 42 (Juni 1938), 230, https://chortitza.org/Buch/Brief2.pdf; also cited by David G. Rempel to Mrs. Yeomans, June 19, 1970, letter, David G. Rempel Papers, Box 6, File 2. From Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto. Toronto, ON.

Note 15: See GAMEO article by Cornelius Krahn: https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Geistreiches_Gesangbuch. The entry erroneously does not distinguish between the West Prussian 1767 hymnal and the 1780 Danzig hymnal.


Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Why Danzig and Poland?

In the late 16th century, Poland became a haven for a variety of non-conformists which included Jews, Anti-Trinitarians from Italy and Bohemia, Quakers and Calvinists from Great Britain, south German Schwenkfelders, Eastern Orthodox, Armenian, and Greek Catholic Christians, some Muslim Tatars, as well as other peaceful sectarians like the Dutch and Flemish Anabaptists. Unlike the Low Countries and most of western Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a “state without stakes,” and as such fittingly described as “God’s playground” ( note 1 ). In the view of 17th-century Dutch dramatist Joost van den Vondel, it was “the ‘Promised Land,’ where the refugee could forget all his sorrow and enjoy the richness of the land” ( note 2 ). Over the next two centuries an important strand of Mennonite life and spirituality evolved into a mature tradition in this relatively hospitable context ( note 3 ). Anabaptists from the Low Countries began to arrive in Danzig and region as early as 15...

Jews and Mennonites Together in Danzig's Suburbs

There has been very little reflection on the relationship of Jews and Mennonites in the suburb of Schottland (or Alt-Schottland or Stare Szkoty) where Mennonites first settled in the mid-1500s. Here Mennonites and Jews lived in the small community together for two centuries, quite literally on the margins outside the gates of the city of Danzig. Many historic maps that include Alt Schottland have become available in recent years ( note 1; pic ). H.G. Mannhardt’s book on the Danzig Mennonite church community plus some archival membership lists are our best sources for the Mennonite experience, while illustrations from the day bring many of those episodes of prosperity, repressions, war, plague, emigration, flooding etc. in an urban environment to life ( note 2 ). Peter J. Klassen’s writings on Mennonites in Poland and Prussia also present newer research on Mennonite life in and around Danzig in helpful ways ( note 3 ). There is one small sentence in Klassen’s larger volume that sugg...

Polish-Prussia? Royal Prussia? West Prussia? Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth? Notes for Clarification

The historical jurisdictions, names and political powers under which Mennonites lived since their arrival in lands that are today Poland are difficult to keep straight. However they are important for telling the story right. This post simply provides some notes for orientation with reference to the late sixteenth-century map below. Polish- or Royal Prussia comes into being with the defeat of Teutonic Knights by the Polish Crown in 1466. See the pink-shaded area of the map below. Ducal Prussia is a fiefdom of the Kingdom of Poland after 1525 (see stiped on map). In 1618, this duchy (voivodeship) is inherited by Hohenzollerns of Brandenburg, who separated it from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1657. After 1701, the Elector of Brandenburg is the “King of Prussia” when in that territory. With the First Partition of Poland in 1772, it becomes East Prussia . By 1569 Polish- or Royal Prussia was fully integrated into Kingdom of Poland and part of the larger Polish-Lithuanian...

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle...

The Selbstschutz (Self-Defence Units) and Benjamin H. Unruh

Abram Kröker, editor of the Molotschna (South Russia/ Ukraine) -based Mennonite Friedensstimme , wrote that Mennonites are “predestined to foreshadow … even in an imperfect way, the great peace among nations in the Thousand-Year-Reign [of Christ].” And among all denominations, “it has pleased God,” according to Kröker, to “present and manifest” through the Mennonites this “pearl of evangelical truth gained at great cost by our fathers” ( note 1 ). And it is because of this theological hope and inheritance that “our youth are raised differently,” Kröker reminded his readers; “not military bravery or fighting are presented as the highest civic virtues, but rather sacrifice, suffering and renunciation for the sake of others. In all our schools, non-resistance is explicitly taught and impressed [upon students] according to the Mennonite catechism” ( note 2 ). But taking up arms in self-defence was nuanced differently by his colleague and influential 37-year-old teacher and theologian Benja...