Skip to main content

Russian-German Frisians: Rebranding Mennonites

No one developed and promoted the Frisian thesis more effectively than Prof. Benjamin H. Unruh’s one-time Halbstadt student, Heinrich “Hajo” Schröder—born in Molotschna, teacher in Germany, visitor to Paraguay, Nazi Party promoter, author and frequent letter writer to the Mennonite press across the Atlantic (note 1). Schröder was a popular writer with a large influence in Germany, Paraguay and Canada.

Schröder’s 1936 book on “Russian-German Frisians” places the Russian Mennonite sojourn into an essentially “Frisian” ethno-German narrative. He seeks to identify those innate characteristics of “true Frisians” in order to clarify their “racial (völkische) responsibility in the present,” and to connect kinship (Stamm) and nationality (note 2). With pride and astonishment, he points back to Bruges in 1568 which had 7,000 [sic] distinctly self-confident Frisian Anabaptist members despite heavy persecution—misquoting his source tenfold (note 3). Later migration to the “colonization regions” of “West- and East Prussia” in the seventeenth century was because of land scarcity, he claims, echoing contemporary Nazi propaganda for German “living space” (Lebensraum; note 4).

Wise Russian land-policy is confused by Schröder for “old, traditional Frisian law” (note 5), and credit is taken from Russian government-initiated school reforms that created schools as “true German cultural centres” (note 6). That the leadership clans in the colonies all carry Frisian names, especially in his paternal Frisian home village of Rudnerweide, is a large claim forgetful of the widely praised elder with Slavic surname, Benjamin Ratzlaff, who served thirty-five years (note 7).

While Schröder is not a theologian, he argued that deep religiosity—characteristic of Frisians—awakens concern for “blood purity” which is critical for the vitality and survival of the race. The concern echoes a quote from Hitler’s Mein Kampf—profiled in the Canadian Mennonitische Warte in 1938, to which Schröder added: “Blood mixture and the resultant drop in the racial level is the sole cause of the dying out of old cultures; for men do not perish as a result of lost wars, but by the loss of that force of resistance which is contained only in pure blood” (note 8). Schröder is appalled to report that researchers have identified a slight reduction of “Nordic blood” in Russian Frisians over two hundred years.

Schröder is no less evangelistic about German soil. Though always close to the land, Russian-Frisians farmers lacked the will to form a state. “Today, however, the will is present,” for without basic minority rights in the Soviet Union or North America, for example, many “hugely yearn for a possibility to finally be able to live on German soil under the banner of the Swastika” (note 9). Schröder envisioned a Mennonite “heritage colony” (Traditionskolonie; note 10) on German soil, and later sponsored the return of a group of young single Paraguayan Mennonites (mostly from “Friesland”) back to the “homeland” (note 11). But “until that Holy Day arrives,” Schröder admonishes his readers with classic, end-time biblical rhetoric, “hold to this watchword: ‘work, fight, train …,’ so that when the bells toll for you, you will not be standing unprepared, but found worthy to return home into the German father-house” (note 12).

His text marshals many immortal heroes of the Volkskörper (ethnic body) murdered by “Jewish Bolshevism” (note 13)—largely the Frisian Selbstschutz fighters from his youth, e.g., Plett—“a strong supporter of militarism,” or Harder from Marienthal—a farm boy who died in the Special Battalion of German Colonists in the winter of 1919/1920 in Perekop, Crimea.

The list also includes a few teachers or elders who were true “German patriot[s]” (note 14) like Jakob H. Janzen, Chaplain to the First German Colonist Regiment of the Wrangel Army in 1920, who survived and was presently serving as elder in Ontario, Canada.

Schröder appropriated the iconic Anabaptist Martyrs Mirror title for a chapter on the armed, “heroic struggle of the Russian-Frisians” in a 1918 Selbstschutz military victory at Tschernigovka (note 15). “For four-hundred years the church preached absolute non-resistance (Wehrlosigkeit). But when the lives of 60,000 people were in gravest danger, the [Mennonite] youth listened to the voice of the [Nordic] blood and grabbed for the sword” (note 16).

While honouring his paternal Frisian home town of Rudnerweide time and again, he avoids confessing that this village rejected Selbstschutz participation en masse.

Schröder’s industrialist father—who had hosted German military parties (Ludendorffsfeste) in his Halbstadt garden during occupation (note 17) and had been an officer in the self-defence units—even demanded that Mennonite Brethren minister and teacher B. B. Janz together with another minister be expelled from the colonies because of their opposition to the Selbstschutz; both Schröder’s father and Janz attended the Rudnerweide Mennonite Church in their youth (note 18).

After narrating the many migration stories of “our clan group,” he surmises that the common cause “is surely to be sought in the ancient Frisian-Germanic drive for true freedom,” which “has remained rooted, even if unconsciously, deep within his blood. The men that led in each of these migrations were without exception of truly Nordic character, born of loyal mothers” (note 19).

To support this mythology, Schröder furnishes examples of contemporary Russian Mennonite leaders across the globe—strikingly “Nordic men of Frisian origin” fighting for the future of their “racial comrades” (Volksgenossen).

With reference to Canadian migration leaders C. F. Klassen and Bishop David Toews, he surmises that with only a few exceptions all “give complete allegiance to the new Germany,” especially those “fighters for the new Germany in Fernheim [Paraguay]” (note 20).

Schröder’s “Russian German Frisians” book is reviewed and summarized without critique by South German historian and co-editor of the Mennonitisches Lexikon, Christian Hege in 1936, and recommended by Walter Quiring, later editor of the Canadian paper, Der Bote, and also in the Canadian Mennonitische Rundschau (note 21).

The Canadian Mennonitische Volkswarte led by Russländer intelligentsia provided Schröder with seven pages over two 1936 issues to define Aryanism, illustrate völkisch theory, reiterate the importance of racial purity for the vitality of a Volk, warn against mixed marriages, take pride in the ancient roots of the Frisian branch of the Aryan race, explain the God-given, blood-determined mission for each race on the soil on which they have their history, to praise Hitler and the importance of racially-based politics. and more (note 22).

The Frisian thesis would only grow in significance: in 1944, Schröder’s one-time teacher Benjamin Unruh was preparing a major publication that would “demonstrate scientifically the Frisian origin of the Russian German Mennonites, the remainder of whom … have now immigrated into the Warthegau” (note 23).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

--- Notes---

Note 1: For Unruh’s comments on Schroeder, cf. Benjamin Unurh to J. Siemens, District Mayor of Fernheim, October 19, 1935, p. 2, Mennonite Library and Archives, Bethel College, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_416/unruh_bh_writings_by/SKMBT_C35108052209060_0002.jpg. On his life, cf. Gerhard Rempel, “Heinrich Hajo Schroeder: The Allure of Race and Space in Hit!er’s Empire,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 29 (2011), 227–254, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/1416/1406. On Unruh, see my essay: “Benjamin Unruh, MCC [Mennonite Central Committee] and National Socialism,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 96, no. 2 (April 2022): 157–205, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1571.

Note 2: Heinrich Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen (Döllstädt-Langensalza: Self-published, 1936), 4; 31, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1936,%20Schroeder,%20Russlanddetusche%20Friesen/.

Note 3: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 8. This error is repeated by Peter P. Klassen, The Mennonites in Paraguay, vol. 1: Kingdom of God and Kingdom of this World, translated by Gunther H. Schmitt (Hillsboro, KS: Self-published, 2004), 220.

Note 4: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 9.

Note 5: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 12.

Note 6: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 16.

Note 7: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 19.

Note 8: Hit!er, Mein K@mpf, cited in Mennonitische Warte 4, no. 41 [May 1938], 161, https://chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk364.pdf. In an earlier issue, a quote from Hit!er’s 1933 Reichsparteitag speech to the “Hit!er Youth” on virtues, loyalty, bravery, courage and unity is profiled together with a sketch of the famous “Menno-Linden” planted by Menno Simons at the home of his printer (Mennonitische Warte 4, no. 38 [February 1938], 64, https://chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk362.pdf). Schröder was a regular contributor on genealogy to this Canadian Mennonite journal as well as to the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau and Der Bote.

Note 9: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 31.

Note 10: Volkswarte 1, no. 12 (December 1935), 462, https://chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk360.pdf. See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2022/09/in-january-2020-i-received-information.html. 

Note 11: P. Klassen, Mennonites in Paraguay I, 93.

Note 12: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 31.

Note 13: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 54.

Note 14: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 95; VI; 91, 93.

Note 15: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 52.

Note 16: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 53.

Note 17: Gerhard Wiens, in Irmgard Epp, ed., Constantinoplers—Escape from Bolshevism (Victoria, BC: Trafford, 2006), 38. On the Ludendorff Festivals in Molotschna, see previous post: https://www.facebook.com/groups/MennoniteGenealogyHistory/permalink/2762854107081942/.

Note 18: B. B. Janz, Mennonitische Rundschau (December 26, 1934), 2f., https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1934-12-26_57_52/page/n1/mode/2up?q=janz. Schröder was also well acquainted with the vocally non-resistant Rudnerweide minister David Janzen and siblings; they had purchased a dealership from Schröder in 1912 (J. Janzen, “Diary 1911–1919,” January 1912, edited and translated by Katharina Wall Janzen. From MHA, Jacob P. Janzen Fonds, 1911–1946, vol. 2341.

Note 19: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen, 24.

Note 20: Schröder, Rußlanddeutsche Friesen; for published comments for Klassen and Toews, cf. Benjamin Wall Redekop, “German Identity of Mennonite Brethren Immigrants in Canada, 1930–1960,” Master of Arts thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990, 76, https://open.library.ubc.ca/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/831/items/1.0098172. Toews travelled to Germany in 1936.

Note 21: Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter 1, no. 1 & 2 (1936), 57f., https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Geschichtsblaetter/1936-1940/; Walter Quiring, Deutsche erschließen den Chaco (Karlsruhe: Schneider, 1936), 184, n.41, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1936,%20Quiring,%20Deutschen%20erschliessen%20den%20Chaco/; Mennonitische Rundschau 59, no. 29 (July 15, 1936), 9, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1936-07-15_59_29/page/n1/mode/2up?q=; also Mennonitische Rundschau 59, no. 21 (April 20, 1936), 4, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1936-05-20_59_21/page/8/mode/2up?q=russlanddeutsche.

Note 22: Heinrich Schröder, “Was heißt völkisch?,” Mennonitische Volkswarte 2, no. 8 (August 1936), 252–256 (part 1); no. 9 (September 1936), 279–282 (part 2), https://chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk379.pdf.

Note 23: Karl Götz, Das Schwarzmeerdeutschtum: Die Mennoniten (Posen: NS-Druck Wartheland, 1944), 8, https://chortitza.org/pdf/0v772.pdf.

 



Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Ideas for Educational Reform, 1832

After four decades in Russia, the president of the Guardianship Committee for Foreign Colonists, Andrei Fadeev, considered only eight of 116 Mennonite teachers in the two larger regions of Katerynoslav and Tauria—which included the Molotschna—fit to teach ( note 1 ). Jakob Bräul’s Rudnerweide schoolhouse was given the same status as Heinrich Heese’s Ohrloff Agricultural Society School with regard to policies and “especially for the teaching of Russian” ( note 2 ). Fadeev triggered great angst when by “imperial decree” he distributed a book to church elders written by German Mennonite Abraham Hunzinger on the modernization of Mennonite schools and church. It was a friendly gesture and poke. The Molotschna was already a tinderbox, and this spark introduced by a state official to strengthen the community ignited a fire in the colony. Fadeev wrote to Johann Cornies on January 12, 1832: “Most valued Cornies ... I advise you to acquire and read a booklet sent to your church leaders f...

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps ( Umsiedler-Lager ) around Exin ( Kcynia ) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt ( Żnin ), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode ( Słupowiec ), Schwarzerde ( Malice ), Schmiedebach, etc. ( note 1) . Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig ( Gdańsk ) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin. Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” ( note 2) . Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily. Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec) , near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for ...

Non-Resistant Service: Forestry Camps

The 1902 photos are of the Mennonite Crimean Forestry ( Forstei ) “Commando” in the vineyards and orchards of southern Crimea on route to Yalta (" Gut [estate] Forroß";  note 1). The tasks for the units or commandos were to plant forests, lay out nurseries, and raise model orchards—work not directly or meaningfully connected to non-resistance, but deemed by the state as an acceptable alternative to state or military service. This non-combatant, alternative service program was the largest, most expensive and most formative, faith-based undertaking by Mennonites during the Mennonite "golden era" in Russia ( note 2 ). The first cohort of young men were chosen and sent for their term of alternative service in 1880: “On November 15 [1880] in Tokmak the first German youth were chosen [by lot] in the presence of the [Mennonite] district mayor and also of Elder A. Goerz. There, with singing and prayer, they beseeched the Lord for His mercy, which interested the Russian ...

Russo-Japanese War and the Mennonite Response, 1904-05

In February 1904, Russia declared war on Japan and Mennonite congregations sent the Tsar messages of loyalty, love and prayers. The large Lichtenau-Petershagen-Schönsee congregation in the Mennonite Molotschna Colony in today’s Ukraine led by 80-year-old Elder (Bishop) Jakob Töws expressed its “deep loyalty and love for the throne and the Fatherland” ( note 1 ). Similarly, the Mennonite Chortitza congregation declared that Mennonites bow “humbly before the Imperial Majesty with most faithful love and devotion,” and “together with all faithful subjects send their most passionate prayers and supplications to the Most High, that He may extend his mighty hand over the beloved Tsar and the Russian people, and that peace may soon be returned” ( note 2 ). The Einlage Mennonite Brethren congregation offered a similar statement, “inspired by feelings of boundless dedication to the Sovereign Fatherland,” with “passionate prayers” for the Tsar and Fatherland, based on 1 Timothy 2:1–4 ( note 3 ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1843: London Bible Society, revival and School reform

In 1843 the Russian Mennonite colonies received a visitation from the London Bible Society. It was the same year that Charles Dickens published "A Christmas Carol" about the miser Ebenezer Scrooge and his conversion after the visitation of three Christmas ghosts! Dickens was not happy that the Church’s overseas mission budget was so large, while in his view they neglected the poor on their own doorsteps in London. Ebenezer was in fact a common British name of the era. A few years earlier the Molotschna was visited by a delegation from the British and Foreign Bible Society. The British agent, Reverend Ebeneezer Henderson, convinced Molotschna elders and Johann Cornies to establish their own Bible Society. "As they live on habits of friendship and intimacy with their Tatar neighbours, and one of their principal men [Cornies] speaks the Tatar with fluency, we furnished him with a good supply of New Testaments, and other portions of Scripture, in that language, that they m...

More Royal News! Mennonites give gifts of “Oxen, Butter, Ducks, Hens & Cheese” to new King (1772)

What do Mennonites offer a new king? The ritual ceremonies of homage to a new European king—as we see on TV these days--are ancient. Exactly 250 years yesterday, Frederick the Great became king over Mennonites in the Vistula River Delta where most of our ancestors lived. Here is how that played out. On May 31, 1772, Heinrich Donner was elected elder of the Orlofferfelde Mennonite Church, 25 km north of Marienburg Castle in Polish-Prussia; thankfully he kept a diary ( note 1 ). Only a few months later the weak Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth collapsed and was partitioned by powerful, land-hungry neighbours: Austria, Prussia and Catherine the Great’s empire. In the preceding decades Mennonites had lived with significant autonomy, felt secure under the Polish crown and could appeal to the king for protection . Now some 2,638 Mennonite families were under Prussian rule. Frederick II took possession of his new lands on September 13, and then invited four persons of nobility plus clergy from ...

Canadian Mennonites and Paraguay: 1922

The first attached photo vividly depicts a meeting of conservative Mennonite elders in Saskatchewan and Manitoba in 1922 who intended to lead their communities to Paraguay. This was happening as hundreds of “Old Colony” Mennonites were leaving for Mexico. The “Old Colonists” from Manitoba’s West Reserve were in fact the first conservative Canadian Mennonites to scout out Paraguay for settlement land. In 1920 they were assisted in their search by New York financier and lawyer, General Samuel McRoberts, who had extensive holdings as well as political and business connections in Paraguay. The delegation travelled 90 km into the Chaco interior, west of the Paraguay River. They were however unimpressed with the land and ultimately recommended Mexico to their community ( note 1 ). Other conservative groups in Manitoba and Saskatchewan were however interested in sending their own scouts to assess the Chaco and the political climate in Paraguay vis-à-vis the list of privileges they were seek...