Skip to main content

“First Christmas for the Black Sea Germans in the Reich,” Warthegau, 1944

In 2022 I asked Katharine Bräul Fast (b.1937), if she had any memories of Christmas 1944 in Warthegau--Nazi German annexed Poland. She turned 7 just before the Advent season began. The “1 millionth ethnic German” resettler in Warthegau had arrived earlier that year from the east, and to accommodate them hundreds of thousands of Warthegau’s Poles had been disenfranchised or removed, while 385,000 Jews from the region were placed in ghettos and eventually sent to concentration camps. 

Katharine's family had been evacuated from German-occupied Ukraine together with some other 35,000 ethnic Mennonites. In March 1944 they were resettled in Waldtal/Schwarzerde in Warthegau, and here she had her first experience of school. Her teacher was a Mennonite, Aron Becker--now officially "Arnold," a non-Jewish sounding name--but by the Fall he too was conscripted. School continued, but she does not recall the details. They had a Christmas celebration in the school; she remembers walking through “crunchy snow” from their house with her mother Helene and sister Sarah—now officially “Else”. She remembers that she recited a Christmas poem which went well. Her two oldest brothers Franz and Heinrich were in the military. That is about all she could recall.

Katharine mentions how bad her mother felt for the Polish family that was removed from the house --now her new home--and forced to live with their family members down the road. Katharine then recalled that the two younger brothers were away as well: Peter had just turned 18 and had been conscripted earlier in the year, and Walter had turned 16 and was sent to a Hitler youth pre-military camp. She remembers that Helene was given a large Hitler portrait to hang in their house because of the number of sons Helene had in the military. Katharine noted that Herr Becker would again be her teacher in Neuland, Paraguay after the war. In Paraguay she would often recall the sound of the snow that December night in Warthegau—similar, she thought, to the sound of the hot Chaco sand under her feet.

Helen Bräul (b. 1903) and her children were from Marienthal, Molotschna--near Tokmak today--and their village was part of the larger "Gnadenfeld trek" out of Ukraine. A number of those participants have written memoirs.

Katie Friesen was a little older than Katharine and upon arrival in Warthegau became a student at the National Socialist teacher training institute at Lutbrandau. This was a continuation of training she and other Mennonite young adults were receiving at the Prischib school near Halbstadt, Molotschna. She recalls in her book, Into the Unknown, that by Christmas 1944

“... all but three of the male students had been drafted into the German army. Those that remained were too young to be enlisted. … our preparations for Christmas were quite subdued and somber… It was a Christmas without Christ. … That is not to say that we did not enjoy the family atmosphere, the singing we did and the gifts we received. Well in advance of Christmas we had also made all kinds of beautiful Christmas cards for our families. Fortunately we could go home for Christmas … My Christmas at home was much more joyous, although we missed [brother] Heinrich very much [in military]. We were happy that he had been able to send a Christmas card and letter. Over Christmas we were able to visit with aunt Susa Dirks and family …” (Note 1)

Helene Dueck was also a teacher-in-training in Lutbrandau. In her book Trübsal und Not, she writes:

“Christmas 1944 ... mother was working for [sic] a Polish farmer. We were poor. We had no presents but we were together and that was worth more than presents. I gave my sister Anni my flute, which I had acquired at the school [Lutbrandau]l; I wanted to give her something, and this was the only thing I owned. ... On Christmas Eve, mother read the Christmas story, then she prayed and we sang several Christmas carols. It had been a quiet, peaceful evening. We talked about father and the boys and went to bed early.” (Note 2)

In Warthegau, Katharina Heinrichs Esau was a 15-year-old participant in the elite one-year Landjahr farm and service program. On December 19, 1944, she was allowed to join her mother in Grenzdorf for Christmas. They had time to travel 24 km to Hohensalza to finalize her application to become a naturalized German citizen, on December 22. On Christmas Eve they walked 4 km to Bartelstätt for a worship service at the Lutheran Church. On Christmas Day, they went to Pakosch (12 km from Grenzdorf) where other relatives were living (note 3). Another participant in housed in Exin recalls that they had each received a swastika pin upon naturalization, and how special this was for her as an eight-year-old child refugee.

Jacob A. Neufeld was handicapped because of Soviet imprisonments and one of the few adult males on the trek. He provides another perspective and important details.

"We celebrated Christmas in 1944 as joyfully and festively as we could, but quietly. We managed to put the times and pain briefly out of mind. This was our first Christmas in Germany. We were impressed with the effort and expense all Germans poured into the celebrations despite the heavy material and spiritual burdens that the sixth year of war had exacted. As refugees from Russia it was a special thrill for us who had foregone the festivity for many years. Almost every family had a small Christmas tree, with or without candles, and many of our refugee families had them as well. There were small gifts and pastries for young and old. Extra foodstuffs were distributed including a chicken or goose for every refugee family. On Christmas Eve almost everyone attended the Evangelical [Protestant-Lutheran] church service that was unusually beautiful and exalting. The minister was home on leave and delivered a deeply serious sermon. There were lovely songs and speeches, all under the words, “Glory to God in the highest, and on earth, peace and good will to all.”

Everything proceeded in the glow of a candlelit tree. Our Gnadenfeld women’s choir was asked to sing a few songs. Small gifts for the children completed the happiness.

On the previous Sunday the National Socialist [Nazi] Party had invited all refugees to its own Christmas celebration. A Christmas tree again stood at the centre of the festivities and there were Christmas carols, speeches, recitations, and small presents for the children. Lacking, however, was a sense of inner exaltation.

Finally, on the evening of Christmas Day, we had our own Gnadenfeld Christmas festivity in the home of Frau Edelburg. Bound together as we were by our common homeland, we gathered with our children, likewise under a sparkling Christmas tree. We read a Christmas sermon and sang familiar carols. The women’s choir added its usual touch of beautiful songs and the children recited well-known poems. We talked about church services and festivities as we remembered them from the Gnadenfeld church and our loved ones buried in the Gnadenfeld cemetery or banished to nameless places. Would we ever see them again? We also remembered Christmas on the trek. The entire evening called forth memories of our old Molochna. It was a familiar fellowship in which we could feel simply at home after all of our sorrows, hardships, and privations. Bound together by mutual sympathy and understanding, we shared our common joys and sorrows.” (Note 4)

Memoir literature is selective and today these memories or edited diaries can be more readily complemented by archival sources, in this case from the Party-controlled newspaper, the Litzmannstädter Zeitung (see pic). All of the Molotschna-area resettlers entered Warthegau via Litzmannstadt.

“First Christmas for the Black Sea Germans in the Reich.” We still remember what it was like when we all sang the Deutschlandlied [national anthem: “Germany, Germany above all, Above everything in the world”] here for the first time.

Also what we felt when we heard the Christmas broadcasts now as not as Germans-living-abroad, but as those who belonged to the German Reich. To be in the Reich! No one can understand this feeling like the one who has stood outside the Reich their whole life.

Then one day a gate opened for the Black Sea Germans—something they could never have imagined in their wildest dreams. Suddenly it was a reality and they entered the Reich!

Even if the sacrifices were painful, even if it was a bitter fact that so many had to leave their husbands and sons behind, nevertheless it was very fortunate for them to be able to enter the Reich. Above all, it means a future for the children.

We saw Black Sea Germans at a Christmas celebration, which many in the Litzmannstadt district are commemorating these days. It was a group of women, two or three old men and some in uniform, plus a handful of children around each woman. It was a good thing that they were not required to sing; they would have been unable because of their emotion.

But devoutly they listened as old and new festive songs were performed for them. The poems read by the women and youth of the [Nazi] Party spoke deeply to them. One noticed how they listened intently when it was said: “We want to work and build, not stand idly by!”

And how all the words of the local [Party] group leader about our love for Germany--which is now in such a difficult battle—touched their hearts.

They really have only one wish, that the Fnhrer should remain alive and lead us to victory. The concern for their livelihood seems almost secondary to them. All the Black Sea German families of the district are now settled. Recently the last ones were getting the most necessary furniture, allowing them to celebrate Christmas in nicer surroundings. But more important to them than these essentials is what the celebration sought to show, namely, that they belong to us, and that we love them.

And then they approached the gift table. The large packages contained a practical gift for each family member. They were tied with a ribbon and on top was the blue candle that they should light in memory of the Germans all over the world.

The women wept as they thought of their past hardship and suffering, but they also cried with joy--that they could actually experience this day. In contrast the eyes of the children shone brightly. It was the first happy Christmas of their lives.

One woman said that she did not want any more Christmas presents. She had already received so many gifts in Germany--she had never been able to give so much to her children as now. What seems meager to us, appeared to her as a princely gift.

Now on Christmas Eve every family will sit around the Christmas tree in their own room and thank God that they were allowed home to the Reich. Never will they forget this Christmas.” (Note 5)

By Christmas 1944, the Nazi regime was exceptionally happy with the Mennonite resettlers, and especially through their strong cooperation with Prof. Benjamin H. Unruh, whom SS Reichsführer Himmler had called the “Moses of the Mennonites.” Unruh had already secured religious freedom for Russian Mennonites as an ethnic, Germanic church, and provided SS authorities with extensive Mennonite ancestral and immigration data based on the work of the Mennonite Kinship Research Working Group which he chaired. Unruh was also working to ensure the Mennonite/ Mennonite Brethren division would not raise its head again; he called for a holy unity of land, blood, faith and mission in Warthegau.

"As Mennonites we have been eyed as quality farmers. Once the victory has been achieved, they want to deploy our people. Here in particular we need an undivided Volk-community. We are too believing not to know that it must be carried and consecrated not only by blood—that too—but by Christian faith." (Note 6)

In a year end review, the Party commissioner had the following to say:

“The best we could save from Russia in terms of [Germanic] blood and ways are the Mennonites, most of whom have been resettled in West Prussia [from Chortitza] and others in Warthegau [others including Molotschna]. The very fact that about 90% of them remained (racially) pure, and linguistically almost exclusively German (Plattdeutsch), speaks in their favour.

Particularly noteworthy is the unwavering will to live even under the most difficult conditions, expressed by a very high number of children.

Their Old Testament first names, partly also surnames, such as Isaac, Esau, Benjamin, Sarah, etc., were exchanged with good German names. Through conversations with their leader, Prof. Benjamin Unruh, I was able to gain an even deeper impression of this strongly Nordic ethnic group. With about 120 surnames the whole ethnic group is captured, which gave the settlements in the area of Saporoshje, Halbstadt, Melitopol, the Volga region and partly to the Caucasus, their character.

In contrast, the Lutheran ethnic Germans from East Volhynia cannot prove the same abundance of children, have entered into more mixed marriages, and are not as racially valuable as the Mennonites. Nevertheless, they represent an asset to the German Reich. ... The Catholics... are racially the least valuable because a large proportion have entered into mixed marriages.” (Note 7)

Unruh was already in discussions with officials who recommended a sooner than planned "return" of the Paraguayan and Brazilian Mennonites as fellow Warthegau colonizers (note 8).

All of the above schemes and plans for the racial colonization of Warthegau--with Mennonites playing a leading agricultural, cultural and racial (!) role--would collapse like a stack of cards within a month and the entire German population of Warthegau and West Prussia was in flight.

This was the last "Nazi Christmas." It was in fact quite forgettable for participants. What Katharine could not forget however was the dispossessed Polish family, the Hitler portrait in their house, and her mother's desire for her boys to return home safely (the youngest, Walter, survived).

                                                            --Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Map: Kreis Burgund, Warthegau, https://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/publication/167966/edition/170631/content

Note 1: Katie Friesen, Into the Unknown (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1986), 82f.

Note 2: Helene Dueck, Durch Trübsal und Not (Winnipeg, MB: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1995), 80f., https://archive.org/details/durch-truebsal-und-not/mode/2up

Note 3: Katharina Heinrichs Esau, “So bleibt es nicht. Erinnerungen aus meiner Kindheit [bis 1945],” 2002, p. 35. In author’s possession.

Note 4: Jacob A. Neufeld, Path of Thorns: Soviet Mennonite Life under Communist and Nazi Rule, edited by H. L. Dyck, translated by H. L. Dyck and S. Dyck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 303f. The original German: Tiefenwege. Erfahrungen und Erlebnisse bis 1949 (Virgil, ON: Niagara, 1958). See also his shorter article: “Die Flucht: 1943–46,” Mennonite Life 6, no. 1 (January 1951), 12, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1951jan.pdf.

Note 5: “Erste Weihnachten der Schwarzmeerdeutschen im Reich,” Litzmannstädter Zeitung 27, no. 340 (December 24, 1944), 5, https://bc.wimbp.lodz.pl/dlibra/publication/31691/edition/30232/content. Also "Das Weihnachtspüppchen mit Holzkopf," LZ 27, no. 336 (December 20, 1944), 3, https://bc.wimbp.lodz.pl/dlibra/publication/31687/edition/30228/content; also "Reges vorweihnachtliches Wirken der Partei in Litzmannstadt," LZ 27, no. 334 (December 17, 1944), 3, https://bc.wimbp.lodz.pl/dlibra/publication/31685/edition/30226/content.

Note 6: Benjamin H. Unruh, “Ergänzung I zur Einigungsfrage: Zur Taufe (January 31, 1944),” 6b., in Vereinigung Collection, File Folder 1944, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof. For fuller background on Unruh, see my essay, “Benjamin Unruh, MCC [Mennonite Central Committee] and National Socialism,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 96, no. 2 (April 2022), 157–205, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1571.

Note 7: SS-Untersturmführer P. Godzik, “Jahresbericht Überprüfungsarbeiten in Litzmannstadt,” December 3, 1944, p. 10 (27), Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfeld, R 59/88, https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/direktlink/ff10bcb5-3e63-4e0a-ab33-7988251c7709/.

Note 8: Benjamin H. Unruh to the Vereinigung Executive, July 17, 1944, in Vereinigung Collection, File Folder 1944, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof.












Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

The Beginnings: Some Basics

The sixteenth-century ancestors of Russian Mennonites were largely Anabaptists from the Low Countries. Because their new vision of church called for voluntary membership marked by adult baptism upon confession of faith, they became one of the most persecuted groups of the Protestant Reformation ( note 1 ). For a millennium re-baptism ( a na -baptism) had been considered a heresy punishable by death ( note 2 ), and again in 1529 the Imperial Diet of Speyer called for the “brutal” punishment for those who did not recognize infant baptism. Many of the earliest Anabaptist cells were found in Belgium and The Netherlands--part of the larger Habsburg Empire ruled after 1555 by “the Most Catholic of Kings,” Philip II of Spain. The North Sea port cities of the Low Countries had some limited freedoms and were places for both commercial and cultural exchange; ships arrived daily not only from other Hanseatic League like Danzig, but also from Florence, Venice and Genoa, the Americas and the Far Ea...

A Mennonite Pandemic Spirituality, 1830-1831

Asiatic Cholera broke out across Russia in 1829 and ‘30, and further into Europe in 1831. It began with an infected battalion in Orenburg ( note 1 ), and by early Fall 1830 the disease had reached Moscow and the capital. Russia imposed drastic quarantine measures. Much like today, infected regions were cut off and domestic trade was restricted. The disease reached the Molotschna River district in Fall 1830, and by mid-December hundreds of Nogai deaths were recorded in the villages adjacent to the Mennonite colony, leading state authorities to impose a strict quarantine. When the Mennonite Johann Cornies—a state-appointed agricultural supervisor and civic leader—first became aware of the nearby cholera-related deaths, he recommended to the Mennonite District Office on December 6, 1830 to stop traffic and prevent random contacts with Nogai. For Cornies it was important that the Mennonite community do all it can keep from carrying the disease into the community, though “only God knows...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

"In the Case of Extreme Danger" - Menno Pass and Refugee crisis, 1945-46

"In the Case of Extreme Danger 1. We are Russian-Mennonite refugees who are returning to Holland, the place of origin. The language is Low German. 2. The Dutch Mennonites there, Doopsgezinde , will take in all fellow-believing Mennonites from Russia who are in danger of compulsory repatriation. 3. The first stage of the journey is to Gronau in Westphalia. 4. As a precaution, purchase a ticket to an intermediate stop first. The last connecting station is Rheine. 5. Opposite Gronau is the Dutch city of Enschede, where you will cross the border. 6. On the border ask for Peter Dyck (Piter Daik), Mennonite Central Committee, Amsterdam, Singel 452. Peter Dyck (or his people) will distribute the relevant papers—“Menno Passes”--and provide further information. 7. Any other border points may also be crossed, with the necessary explanations (who, where to, Mennonites from Russia, Peter Dyck, M.C.C., etc.). The Dutch border Patrol is informed. 8. Here the whole matter must be h...