Skip to main content

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

In December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay (note 1)

In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins.

In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” (note 2). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the German people” (note 3).

In this context Mennonites were an interesting group to study because they had preserved their Germanic culture and identity as a minority group for generations abroad, with little marriage outside their circle. Mennonite ministers and leaders from both groups were keen to cooperate. The study was published a year after Hitler took power; Mennonite genealogist Dr. Kurt Kauenhowen claimed it “is indisputably the most important biological contribution to the history of German Mennonites to date” (note 4).

Medical technicians from Berlin’s Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Heredity and Eugenics and the University of Kiel carried out the anthropological examinations and surveys January 1930 with 1,271 of the Mennonites housed at the Hammerstein, Mölln and Prenzlau refugee/transit camps (note 5).

Not just weight, height and build were measured and recorded, but also skull shape, eye colour (men=40% light blue; pic), hair colour, forehead, eye-brow line, nose base, width, tip and prominence, ear length and width, and chin shape. The next year (May and June 1931), some 386 Mennonites from the Prussian Mennonite congregations of Danzig, Rosenort, Orlofferfelde, Ladekopp, Elbing, Markushof-Thiensdorf, and Heubuden were similarly examined with enthusiastic support of church leadership (note 6). Mennonites were considered an unusually “pure” Germanic subgroup—and now they had proof.

The main researcher identified a series of minor physical variances between these two Mennonite populations but considered these to be environmentally conditioned only. The racial-biological differences were only “about as great as those between identical twins” (note 7).

Kauenhowen thought the one improvement the author could have made would be to add a quote from American Mennonite historian C. Henry Smith, who had written: “The term Mennonite might almost as well be applied to a special race as to a body of religious belief” (Note 8).

While the specifics of this very detail rich study may be interesting for those with this same family background—much the way collected DNA results could be—its ideological context and purposes were consistent with those being promoted by National Socialism (note 9).

The research is referenced to or expanded in at least two race-based journals during the Nazi era. The popular journal “Volk und Rasse (Race)” published materials on racial theory and typically lauded German people groups in comparison to others.

“For religious reasons they fundamentally rejected mixed marriages with fellow Germans of other faiths. ... For this reason alone the Mennonites have a special Volk-biological significance, and therefore deserve closer attention as well … Amongst Germans in the Vistula, region Mennonites form a community that is separated spiritually and intellectually, the characteristics of which are also evident in the groups that settled in southern Russia, as Keiter has already proven in his investigations some years ago.” (Note 10)

In an academic journal for racial and social biology, an article on Russian Mennonite family structure and fertility rates precedes another essay with the following opening paragraph:

“Researching questions of genetic-hygiene is one of the most vital tasks which our leader Adolf Hitler gives to scientists and his German people to solve, because the future of a people depends on its quantitative and qualitative reproduction.” (Note 11)

The research on 473 Russian Mennonites couples who had reached the end of their fertility showed that Mennonites of the “parent generation” had on average 8.22 children with 5.13 living past childhood. The infant mortality rate for Mennonites of this generation was 12.1%, and a fully 36% died before reaching adulthood. The high birth rates were due, according to researchers, to the absence of abortion or contraception, and the relatively young age for women to marry. Mennonite men were on average older when they married, compared to the Lutherans and Catholics from Russia in the study group. The Mennonite “grandparent generation” had an average of 9.5 children per married woman, with an average of 2.7 childhood deaths. 5.4 children per couple entered into a marriage. The families of the grandparent generation grew up in peaceful times, whereas their children established families in the context of the war, revolution, famine and post-war chaos in the Soviet Union (note 12).

Those theories of race, Volk, and blood were already of strong quasi academic interest by 1929-30 and were further developed and shaped by Nazi-government policy and support by the mid-1930. Mennonite refugees in 1930 brought this experience and its assumptions of “racial science” to their new settlement lands of Paraguay, Brazil and Canada—which would infect their worldview and debates for the decade to come (note 13). Mennonites in Ukraine who were resettled and naturalized by Nazi Germany 1943-44 were most directly impacted by the politics of this so-called racial science (note 14).


            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Pics: From Friedrich Keiter (n.5 below); also photographs of the 1929-30 refugee crisis published in the Mennonitische Blätter, the denominational paper of the north German and Prussia Mennonites (Vereinigung), February 1930 to March 1931, https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/publication/25820#structure.

Note 1: See previous posts, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/christmas-with-refugees-1929.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/death-of-refugee-children-as-political.html.

Note 2: See especially the work of the Deutsches Hygiene-Museum in Dresden. It was founded in 1912, and after 1933 used to propagate Nazi race ideology: “Rassismus: Die Erfindung von Menschenrassen,” https://www.dhmd.de/ausstellungen/rueckblick/rassismus.

Note 3: “Nuremberg Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor, September 15, 1935,” Yad Vashem World Holocaust Remembrance Center, https://www.yadvashem.org/docs/nuremberg-law-for-protection-of-german-blood-1935.html.

Note 4: Kurt Kauenhowen, Mitteilungen des Sippenverbandes der Danziger Mennoniten Familien Epp-Kauenhowen-Zimmermann 2, no. 1 (February 1936), 29f., https://www.mharchives.ca/download/1403/.

Note 5: Friedrich Keiter, Rußlanddeutsche Bauern und ihre Stammesgenossen in Deutschland. Untersuchungen zur spezielen und allgemeinen Rassenkunde (Jena: Fischer, 1934), 33, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Pis/RusBauer.pdf. More generally see idem, “Wir Deutsche: Was wir im Vergleich zu den anderen Völkern sind und nicht sind,” Volk und Rasse 16, no. 4 (April 1941), 61-65, https://archive.org/details/nsdap-volk-und-rasse-1941-04/page/n2/mode/1up.

Note 6: Keiter, Rußlanddeutsche Bauern und ihre Stammesgenossen, 2; eye colour chart, p. 36.

Note 7: Keiter, Rußlanddeutsche Bauern und ihre Stammesgenossen¸ 84.

Note 8: C. Henry Smith, The Coming of the Russian Mennonites (Berne, IN: Mennonite Book Concern, 1927), 209, https://archive.org/details/comingofrussianm00unse/page/208/mode/2up; Kauenhowen, Mitteilungen des Sippenverbandes, 30 (my emphasis).

Note 9: For ethical reflection on this era and Mennonite participation, cf. Benjamin W. Goossen, Chosen Nation: Mennonites and Germany in a Global Era (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), 121-123; 140f.; idem, “Terms of Racial Endearment: Nazi Categorization of Mennonites in Ideology and Practice, 1929–1945,” German Studies Review 44, no. 1 (2021), 27-46; 30, https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/goossen/files/goossen_terms_of_racial_endearment_german_studies_review_2021.pdf; idem, “Hitler’s Mennonite Voters,” Anabaptist Historians, online, https://anabaptisthistorians.org/2021/10/07/hitlers-mennonite-voters/.

Note 10: Erich Keyser, “Die Mennoniten im Weichselland,” Volk und Rasse 17, no. 4 (1942), 71f.; 73, https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/publication/65799/edition/60776/content.

Note 11: Heinz Boeters, “Familienaufbau und Fruchtbarkeitsziffern bei rußlanddeutschen Bauern,” 36–42; and Wilhelm Lohoff, “Erbhygenische Untersuchungen an Hilfsschulkindern in Oberhausen und Mühlheim an der Ruhr,” in Archiv für Rassen- und Gesellschafts-Biologie 30 (1936), 36–42; 42, https://books.google.ca/books?id=GcUjAQAAIAAJ&pg=PA36#v=onepage&q&f=false. The study is also referenced in Helmut Hackbarth, Rassentypische Verhaltungsweisen der Mennoniten im Weichsel-Nogat-Delta (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns, 1939), https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1939,%20Hackbarth,%20Rassentypische%20Verhaltungsweisen%20der%20Mennoniten%20im%20Weichsel%20Nogat%20Delta/1939,%20Hackbarth,%20Rassentypische%20Verhaltungsweisen.pdf.

Note 12: Boeters, “Familienaufbau und Fruchtbarkeitsziffern.”

Note 13: See esp. Frank H. Epp, “An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, in the 1930s.” PhD dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1965. See previous posts: https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2022/09/canadian-mennonites-on-prairie-and.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2022/09/in-january-2020-i-received-information.html.

Note 14: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/08/mennonites-highly-attractive-and.html.

---
To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in 'Racial Science', 1930," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), Septemer 25, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/09/russian-and-prussian-mennonite.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948. The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” ( note 1 ). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God. In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth ...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

School Reports, 1890s

Mennonite memoirs typically paint a golden picture of schools in the so-called “golden era” of Mennonite life in Russia. The official “Reports on Molotschna Schools: 1895/96 and 1897/98,” however, give us a more lackluster and realistic picture ( note 1 ). What do we learn from these reports? Many schools had minor infractions—the furniture did not correspond to requirements, there were insufficient book cabinets, or the desks and benches were too old and in need of repair. The Mennonite schoolhouses in Halbstadt and Rudnerweide—once recognized as leading and exceptional—together with schools in Friedensruh, Fürstenwerder, Franzthal, and Blumstein were deemed to be “in an unsatisfactory state.” In other cases a new roof and new steps were needed, or the rooms too were too small, too dark, too cramped, or with moist walls. More seriously in some villages—Waldheim, Schönsee, Fabrikerwiese, and even Gnadenfeld, well-known for its educational past—inspectors recorded that pupils “do not ...