Skip to main content

Canadian Mennonites on the Prairie and the Führer, 1939

Another deep dive into the dark side of Mennonite history—this time in Winnipeg.

The latest issue of MCC’s journal Intersections on MCC’s entanglements with National Socialism through the 1930s should not be entirely shocking to Canadian Mennonites (note 1).
Mennonite support for Hitler and his vision for Germany was very real and public on the Canadian prairies until the start of WWII.

The most read newspaper in Manitoba, the Winnipeg Free Press, reported on a large Winnipeg pro-Hitler rally (January 30, 1939, page 3) with the byline: “Hitler Salute: Local Germans hail re-birth of fatherland under Fuehrer."



The pictures show the Mennonite Young People's Choir performing at the event (see also last paragraph of the Free Press article). The choir was led by John Konrad, a Russländer (1920s Mennonite immigrant). Konrad founded an ensemble in 1935 that evolved into the Mennonite Symphony Orchestra; he actively directed choirs with the Manitoba Mennonite Youth Organization, and was choirmaster at First Mennonite Church in Winnipeg. The pictures also show the youth and others giving the Hit!er salute with arm raised.

On the prairies upstanding Russländer Mennonites were praising the Führer two years before German armies would enter Ukraine and convince Mennonites there to do the same. Reference in the article to the "ill will" of a "certain press" is a thinly veiled reference to one of Hitler’s anti-Semitic tropes of the “Jewish press.” Russian Mennonite émigré and leader Benjamin Unruh in Germany, and German Mennonite pastors like Gustav Kraemer, for example, did the same.

Unruh was only one—but the most powerful—of a handful of Russian Mennonites in Germany who regularly, but especially in 1938 and 1939, fanned the flames of pro-Nazi sentiments in the Canadian (Russländer) Mennonite paper, Der Bote. Their voices were complemented by a few of their “followers” primarily “in and around Winnipeg,” as David G. Rempel recalled (a contemporary to Unruh; historian; note 2).

Unruh was adamant that Mennonites had a role to help purify and sanctify Germanism and support Hitler’s effort to bring wholeness and fulfillment to the German people. “Being true to God implies being true to one’s Volk, which in turn requires faithfulness to the nation,” as Frank H. Epp summarized Unruh’s Bote arguments (note 3).

Because Unruh’s articles always had an “extremely polemical tone,” as Rempel recalled, “few dared to openly differ with Unruh’s interpretation of historical events.” A powerful member of First Mennonite Church (Schönwiese) in Winnipeg, hymnologist J. P. Claszen, openly acknowledged with “bitter articles” that he would be “denouncing certain Mennonite ministers—and very prominent ones—to a certain agency in Nazi Germany,” for the “alleged decadence of Mennonite faith and social and cultural life.” Claszen branded those who disagreed “as people ‘who were gravely ensnared in outlived forms, traditions, customs and externals’, but who sooner or later would be pulled out of their position of indifference by a ‘sacred storm’ from abroad,” as Rempel summarized (note 4).

Walter (Jakob) Quiring—also in Germany, but later to move to Winnipeg and become editor of the Der Bote—similarly indicted much of the Mennonite ministry “for its shallowness and tepidity toward the new spirit in Nazi Germany, and that they and others guilty of the same weaknesses should not be surprised when, after the liberation of the Ukraine by Germany they would be confronted with a bill of particulars. There were numerous other threats of dire reprisals to anyone who did not agree with their version of the past and predictions of the future” (note 4).

Already in 1935, one of Rempel’s professional colleagues in the US wrote to him about the Canadian Mennonite periodical and its Rosthern, Saskatchewan editor, as well as about the other Mennonite paper, the Rundschau:

“The Bote? For heaven’s sake I am glad that I don’t have to read that Käseblatt [literally, “cheese paper,” or “rag”]. I had quite a row with the editor, D. Epp. ... When I began to notice the pitfall to Nazi propaganda, I told him bluntly the danger he was letting himself in for but he resented this. … Pitiful and disgusting. And as to Herman Neufeld’s Mennonitische Rundschau that is even more deplorable … he was condemned for printing a pamphlet with the bloodiest Nazi theories propagating the most horrible lies with regard to the famous ‘Zionist Protocols’.” (Note 5)


It is not surprising that MCC in North America remained entangled with Unruh and National Socialism through the 1930s—years before Mennonites in Ukraine (living under a news embargo) would get to know Hit!er as a liberator.

Immigration leader B. B. Janz (Coaldale, Alberta) finally put an end to this in 1940; he had the clout to stand up against J. P. Claszen and the rest (they owed him their lives, in a way). See Janz's now "famous" article reprinted in multiple places in English and German: “Am I a National Socialist?” In “Canadian Mennonites Loyal to New Fatherland, Leader of Coaldale Colony Declares,” Lethbridge Herald (June 1, 1940), 14.

---Notes---

Pics (below)
: Winnipeg Free Press, January 30, 1939, p. 3; Winnipeg Evening Tribune, January 30, 1939, p. 3, https://digitalcollections.lib.umanitoba.ca/islandora/object/uofm%3A1368295/manitoba_metadata; picture with Aeltester (bishop) J. P. Claszen and John Konrad, Winnipeg Evening Tribune, July 20, 1936, p. 2, https://digitalcollections.lib.umanitoba.ca/islandora/object/uofm%3A1814165.

Note 1: “MCC and National Socialism,” MCC Intersections, Fall 2021, https://mcccanada.ca/media/resources/12017.

Note 2: David G. Rempel, Recollections, summer 1939, pp. 65-69. From Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, David Rempel Papers, MS Coll. 329 2B Annex, box 36, file 29.

Note 3: Cf. Frank H. Epp, “An Analysis of Germanism and National Socialism in the Immigrant Newspaper of a Canadian Minority Group, the Mennonites, in the 1930’s” (PhD dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1965), 227, 228, 229

Note 4: David G. Rempel , Recollections, summer 1939, 65-69. ” See Claszen's articles in Der Bote, February 2, 1938, pp. 2f; March 30, 1938, p. 2; December 14, 21, 28, 1938, pp. 2, 2f., 1f. respectively. For Walter Quiring, see especially “Staatstreu und Volkstreu,” Der Bote, January 11, 1939, pp. 2f. On Claszen, cf. Wesley Berg, "Gesangbuch, Ziffern, and Deutschtum: A Study of the Life and Work of J. P.Claszen, Mennonite Hymnologist," Journal of Mennonite Studies 4 (1986): 80-30, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/229/229.

Note 5
: Letter to David G. Rempel (English), from D.R. (illegible), Sept 25, 1935. From Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, David Rempel Collection, Box 1 Correspondence, 1932-1991. Box 1, file 1.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

A Mennonite Pandemic Spirituality, 1830-1831

Asiatic Cholera broke out across Russia in 1829 and ‘30, and further into Europe in 1831. It began with an infected battalion in Orenburg ( note 1 ), and by early Fall 1830 the disease had reached Moscow and the capital. Russia imposed drastic quarantine measures. Much like today, infected regions were cut off and domestic trade was restricted. The disease reached the Molotschna River district in Fall 1830, and by mid-December hundreds of Nogai deaths were recorded in the villages adjacent to the Mennonite colony, leading state authorities to impose a strict quarantine. When the Mennonite Johann Cornies—a state-appointed agricultural supervisor and civic leader—first became aware of the nearby cholera-related deaths, he recommended to the Mennonite District Office on December 6, 1830 to stop traffic and prevent random contacts with Nogai. For Cornies it was important that the Mennonite community do all it can keep from carrying the disease into the community, though “only God knows...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...