Skip to main content

Prof. Benjamin Unruh as a Public Figure in the Nazi Era

Professor Benjamin H. Unruh (1881-1959) was a relief and immigration leader, educator, leading churchman, and official representative of Russian Mennonites outside of the Soviet Union throughout the National Socialism era in Germany.

Unruh’s biography is connected to the very beginnings of Mennonite Central Committee in 1920-1922 when he served as a key spokesperson in Germany for the famine-stricken Mennonites in South Russia. Some years later he again played the central role in the rescue of thousands of Mennonites from Moscow in 1929 and, along with MCC, their resettlement in Paraguay, Brazil, and Canada. Because of Unruh’s influence and deep connections with key German government agencies in Berlin, his home office in Karlsruhe, Germany, became a relief hub for Mennonites internationally. Unruh facilitated large-scale debt forgiveness for Mennonites in Paraguay and Brazil, and negotiated preferential consideration for Mennonite relief work to the Soviet Union during the Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1932-1933. He was also instrumental in the relief assistance MCC extended to those suffering from war in Poland and France in 1940. The efforts by Nazi leaders in Germany to extract and resettle Mennonites from Ukraine after 1941 was also done in close consultation with Unruh.

Much of this was possible because of Unruh’s tireless promotion of Russian Mennonites as "racially pure" Germans who had preserved their language and culture in Russia/Ukraine over generations. Throughout the entire Nazi era, Unruh was convinced that there was no contradiction in being both a faithful Christian in the Mennonite tradition and a supporter of National Socialism and Adolf Hitler. At the conclusion of World War II, Unruh’s past Nazi sympathies led MCC to quietly retire their relationship with Unruh with a small pension. Long after his death in 1959 however, Unruh continued to be held in the highest regard by thousands of Mennonite families in North and South America whose release from the Soviet Union was due in part to his efforts. He was a complex, larger-than-life figure, whose accomplishments have helped to define MCC’s own narrative. Although Unruh’s life and work have been well documented by family and friends, his very troublesome connections with German National Socialism have not received sufficient examination.

In 2020-21, I was commissioned by MCC and the Mennonite Quarterly Review to explore this connection in detail, with a promise of full archival support and access to correspondence and other documents. Eleven other scholars followed up on related themes.

For me this resulted in two essays--one shorter than the other, for two different audiences--using materials from five Mennonite archives, along with his published articles, to examine his pro-German Mennonite roots, his evolving relationship with MCC in the context of National Socialism and, through Unruh, MCC’s encounters and entanglements with the Nazi regime (links in note 1). These essays explore the roots of Unruh’s pro-German Mennonite orientation, document his growing pro-Nazism in the 1930s, and his explicit promotion of its racial goals. A fresh reading of these materials offers a more complete accounting of the tumultuous events of the twentieth century in which Unruh played a role, and identifies related themes in the larger Russian Mennonite community which embraced his leadership.

The Winnipeg Free Press has a helpful article on the MCC response to these materials and the organization's historical entanglements with National Socialism (note 2).

Since penning those essays, I found a series of old--but new--references to him from scans of the Baden Nazi Party newspaper, Der Führer. Unruh was not only well-known in government offices in Berlin, but he was also a public figure in Karlsruhe where he lived and served as a part-time, adjunct professor.

These references help give an even fuller picture of this highly regarded Mennonite leader. Below I have attached some of those pieces with some context, all of which Unruh and others tried to forget or erase from memory after the war.

1935:

Since at least 1933, Unruh had been a regular financial contributor and patron member (Förderndes Mitglied) of the Schutzstaffel (SS)--a paramilitary police organization that ultimately became responsible for enforcing the racial policy of Nazi Germany (note 3). Why? Unruh claimed to see “things breaking forth which our forefathers in the sixteenth century had advocated” (note 4).

The first reference to Unruh in the Nazi Party paper in Baden--Der Führer—was in 1935. The paper reported on a local Nazi Party chapter meeting in Unruh’s town, with Unruh offering a moving closing speech (pic):

“The local [Karlsruhe-] Rüppurr organization of the NSDAP (Nazi Party) gathered party comrades and friends in the restaurant 'Grüner Baum' for a lecture and slideshow entitled: 'The famine in Russia.' [Nazi] Party Comrade District Instructor Würfel offered background to the shocking pictures, which revealed to us the boundless misery in this country. Then Prof. Unruh, who lived in this region for years and himself experienced the hardship of this people, gave a moving closing speech.” (Note 5)

1936:

In July 1936, the Badische Presse announced a major lecture by Unruh on kinship and racial studies at a meeting of the German Foreign Institute combined with the National Socialist’s Teachers’ Association (pic; note 6).

For context, the Mennonite World Conference met in the Netherlands a month earlier. Criticism of Prof. Unruh in international Mennonite circles was becoming more open by 1936. Unruh lived from a small stipend that had fluctuated over the years based on German, Dutch, Canadian (Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization), and U.S. (MCC) Mennonite support.

In the same year, Unruh wrote to Mennonite leaders in Fernheim, Paraguay, whom he was mentoring: “We stand one hundred percent with Adolf Hitler in his God-given calling to lead Germany out of chaos and thus also to support and protect Europe and the world against Bolshevik ruin” (note 7).

And to his own mentor Mennonite pastor and scholar Christian Neff, Unruh wrote: “Hitler’s spirit is open to the truth of the gospel. But he will never be able to perceive this gospel in its broad generosity unless a great redeeming word of the message comes to him from the ‘core troops,’ as Unruh understood church at its best” (note 8).

1940:

Again in 1940 Unruh reiterated to a German state official what he had thought for years: “Mennonites find much in the teaching of the Führer that they had emphasized already in the 16th century, e.g., the emphasis on a practical Christianity” (note 9).

In May that year, the rector of the Karlsruhe Technical University petitioned the State of Baden to appoint Unruh to a University Chair in Cultural Policy and Worldview Studies, and praised him as “a man with very high qualities—especially from the National Socialist point of view.” The request was made “in full awareness of [the rector’s] responsibility to the Party” and in his capacity as state party Führer-of-professors (Gaudozentenführer; note 10).

And in October the paper Der Führer reported (pic) that Unruh gave a Volk cultural-political (volkstumspolitisch) lecture in which he sought to show “how German blood lines are spread across the whole world on extremely significant fronts, and that after the Völkische revolution [Nazi seizure of power/ reorganization of European population by racial identity] we must take note of this fact in a new way and experience it more deeply … Dutch and Low German have thereby become German par excellence in their historical and ethnic forms and contents, which Prof. Unruh repeatedly stated with joyful satisfaction,” the reporter noted (note 11).

1943:

In the Spring of 1943 German armies still controlled Ukraine. A few months earlier on New Year’s Day, Unruh was invited to meet with the second most powerful Nazi government leader, Reichsführer Himmler. Himmler said to Unruh—according to Unruh-- “It is a pleasure to meet the Moses of the Mennonites!,” referring to Unruh’s role in Mennonite migration (note 12). “I have been in Ukraine [October 1942] and I have observed the people there for myself. Your Mennonites are the best,” Himmler told him (note 13).

In April 1943, the paper Der Führer gave a fulsome account of another “cultural-political lecture” given by Unruh and organized by the National Socialists German Lecturers League (NSD-Dozentenbund) and the Adult Education Office (Volksbildungswerk; state-operated leisure organization in Nazi German) in Karlsruhe. Here Unruh offered his account of the difference between Bolshevism and Nazism.

“Professor B. Unruh spoke on ‘the incursion of Bolshevism into the ethnic German schools of Ukraine,’ reviewing the Bolshevik 'cultural program' and the long series of attempts to realize it. To the question: 'What is Bolshevism?' one of the Bolshevik leaders replied curtly: 'Civil war'. Prof. Unruh, in comparison, asked the question, 'What is National Socialism?,' and answered just as curtly: 'Ethnic Community' (Volksgemeinschaft, or national community). This shows the contrast of the two worlds, which today are in a decisive struggle.” (Note 14)

As noted above, Unruh did not hide from Mennonites abroad his admiration for Hitler and National Socialism, though that was quietly forgotten after the war. These articles from Der Führer—which I do not think have been seen since the 1940s—remind us of a lesser known side of perhaps the most important and influential Russian Mennonite leader from before the Revolution until after WW2.

Benjamin H. Unruh died in 1959. The Mennonite Encyclopedia / GAMEO entry on Unruh written by friend and sometime colleague Harold S. Bender, briefly noted that Unruh worked for MCC “in immigration to Paraguay 1930-1933” (note 15). On the one hand, the statement clearly underplayed Unruh’s magnitude; he was a tireless advocate for his people who remains a towering figure in the history of Russian Mennonites, especially in Paraguay and Brazil. On the other hand, Bender’s entry says almost nothing about how Unruh’s advocacy for and humanitarian efforts on behalf Mennonites from the Soviet Union were inextricably intertwined with his strident support for the Nazi regime and its objectives.

        --Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes—


Note 1: For the shorter essay, cf. Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Benjamin Unruh, MCC [Mennonite Central Committee] and National Socialism,” Intersections: MCC Practice and Theory Quarterly 9, no. 4 (Fall 2021) 17–27, https://mcc.org/media/resources/10441. For the longer essay, cf. idem, “Benjamin Unruh, MCC [Mennonite Central Committee] and National Socialism,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 96, no. 2 (April 2022): 157–205, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1571. Both are free downloads.

Note 2
: Cf. Rick Cober Bauman and Ann Graber Hershberger, “MCC responds to its entanglements with National Socialism,” June 6, 2022, https://mcc.org/stories/mcc-responds-its-entanglements-national-socialism; John Longhurst, “Mennonite Central Committee makes important Statement,” Winnipeg Free Press, June 10, 2022, online, https://www.winnipegfreepress.com/arts-and-life/life/faith/mennonite-central-committe-makes-important-statement-576581812.html.

Note 3: Cf. B. Unruh, "Fragebogen zur Bearbeitung des Aufnahmeantrages für die Reichsschriftumskammer,” October 7, 1937, submitted by B. Unruh, MS 416, MLA (Mennonite Library and Archives, Bethel College, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_416/unruh_harder_quiring_berlin_docs/.

Note 4: B. Unruh, in Erich Göttner, recorder, “Zur Kirchenfrage der Mennoniten: Außerordentliche Kuratoriumssitzung der Vereinigung der Mennonitengemeinde im Deutschen Reich in Berlin vom 17. -19. Nov. 1933,” Mennonitische Blätter 80, no. 12 (Dec. 1933), 114, https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/publication/25857/edition/24786.

Note 5: “Die NSDAP, Ortsgruppe Rüppurr,” Der Führer : das Hauptorgan der NSDAP Gau Baden; der badische Staatsanzeiger 9, no. 327, Wednesday, November 27, 1935, p. 12, https://www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/newspaper/item/CTPQIY4X2BG27MI65VOIUPXKRFQRXLNM?query=%22Prof.+UNRUH%22&page=2&hit=6&issuepage=8.

Note 6: This article entitled “Survey of German Culture in Russia (Rußland-Deutschtum) via Kinship Studies” is from the Badische Presse, 52, no. 177, July 31, 1936, p. 6, https://www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/newspaper/item/ZE6XSQMDIDLDVJXHKRO24RCDOBOUCRKV?issuepage=6.

Note 7: B. Unruh to J. Siemens, Jan. 4, 1936, MS 416, folder B. H. Unruh Writings, MLA, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_416/unruh_bh_writings_by/SKMBT_C35108052209090_0003.jpg.

Note 8: B. Unruh to C. Neff, Oct. 5, 1936, 1; 2b, Schowalter Correspondence, folder 1929-1945, MFSt (Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof).

Note 9: B. Unruh to SS-Hauptsturmführer Walther Kolrep, January 30, 1940, 1, letter, MS 295, folder 13, MLA, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_295/folder_13/SKMBT_C35107061214280_0001.jpg.

Note 10: Rector [Rudolf Weigel], Technische Hochschule Karlsruhe, to Minister of Culture and Education, State of Baden, May 10, 1940, Benjamin H. Unruh Personalakte, S499, Schrank 2a, Fach 24, Technische Universitätsarchiv Karlsruhe (copy at MLA).

Note 11
: “Niederländisch-niederdeutsches Zusammengehen in der Ostsiedlung,” Der Führer 14, no. 294, October 25, 1940, p. 5, https://www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/newspaper/item/GBEUUMXBP3AS5FPTBRYSV6EQOBE4UTYZ?issuepage=5.

Note 12: In Heinrich B. Unruh, Fügungen und Führungen: Benjamin Heinrich Unruh, 1881–1959: Ein Leben im Geiste christlicher Humanität und im Dienste der Nächstenliebe (Detmold: Verein zur Erforschung und Pflege des Russlanddeutschen Mennonitentums, 2009), 333. B. Unruh allegedly “sat immediately to the right of Himmler and dined with him,” together with SS-Oberführer Horst Hoffmeyer and SS Obergruppenführer Werner Lorenz. In B. Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, Jan. 6, 1943, 2, letter, file folder 1943, Vereinigung Collection, MFSt.

Note 13: Diether Götz Lichdi, Mennoniten im Dritten Reich. Dokumentation und Deutung (Weierhof/Pfalz: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein, 1977), 140f., https://archive.org/details/mennonitenimdrit0000lich/.

Note 14: “Bolschwismus heißt Bürgerkrieg,” Der Führer, Monday, April 5, 1943, p. 3, https://www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/newspaper/item/7NMQKEAE4BBWPIF6ITIHREVJZQQ7EMDU?query=%22Prof.+UNRUH%22&hit=1&issuepage=3.

Note 15
: Harold S. Bender, "Unruh, Benjamin Heinrich (1881-1959), in GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Unruh,_Benjamin_Heinrich_(1881-1959).







Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps ( Umsiedler-Lager ) around Exin ( Kcynia ) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt ( Żnin ), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode ( Słupowiec ), Schwarzerde ( Malice ), Schmiedebach, etc. ( note 1) . Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig ( Gdańsk ) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin. Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” ( note 2) . Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily. Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec) , near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for ...

More Royal News! Mennonites give gifts of “Oxen, Butter, Ducks, Hens & Cheese” to new King (1772)

What do Mennonites offer a new king? The ritual ceremonies of homage to a new European king—as we see on TV these days--are ancient. Exactly 250 years yesterday, Frederick the Great became king over Mennonites in the Vistula River Delta where most of our ancestors lived. Here is how that played out. On May 31, 1772, Heinrich Donner was elected elder of the Orlofferfelde Mennonite Church, 25 km north of Marienburg Castle in Polish-Prussia; thankfully he kept a diary ( note 1 ). Only a few months later the weak Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth collapsed and was partitioned by powerful, land-hungry neighbours: Austria, Prussia and Catherine the Great’s empire. In the preceding decades Mennonites had lived with significant autonomy, felt secure under the Polish crown and could appeal to the king for protection . Now some 2,638 Mennonite families were under Prussian rule. Frederick II took possession of his new lands on September 13, and then invited four persons of nobility plus clergy from ...

Ideas for Educational Reform, 1832

After four decades in Russia, the president of the Guardianship Committee for Foreign Colonists, Andrei Fadeev, considered only eight of 116 Mennonite teachers in the two larger regions of Katerynoslav and Tauria—which included the Molotschna—fit to teach ( note 1 ). Jakob Bräul’s Rudnerweide schoolhouse was given the same status as Heinrich Heese’s Ohrloff Agricultural Society School with regard to policies and “especially for the teaching of Russian” ( note 2 ). Fadeev triggered great angst when by “imperial decree” he distributed a book to church elders written by German Mennonite Abraham Hunzinger on the modernization of Mennonite schools and church. It was a friendly gesture and poke. The Molotschna was already a tinderbox, and this spark introduced by a state official to strengthen the community ignited a fire in the colony. Fadeev wrote to Johann Cornies on January 12, 1832: “Most valued Cornies ... I advise you to acquire and read a booklet sent to your church leaders f...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Canadian Mennonites and Paraguay: 1922

The first attached photo vividly depicts a meeting of conservative Mennonite elders in Saskatchewan and Manitoba in 1922 who intended to lead their communities to Paraguay. This was happening as hundreds of “Old Colony” Mennonites were leaving for Mexico. The “Old Colonists” from Manitoba’s West Reserve were in fact the first conservative Canadian Mennonites to scout out Paraguay for settlement land. In 1920 they were assisted in their search by New York financier and lawyer, General Samuel McRoberts, who had extensive holdings as well as political and business connections in Paraguay. The delegation travelled 90 km into the Chaco interior, west of the Paraguay River. They were however unimpressed with the land and ultimately recommended Mexico to their community ( note 1 ). Other conservative groups in Manitoba and Saskatchewan were however interested in sending their own scouts to assess the Chaco and the political climate in Paraguay vis-à-vis the list of privileges they were seek...

Russo-Japanese War and the Mennonite Response, 1904-05

In February 1904, Russia declared war on Japan and Mennonite congregations sent the Tsar messages of loyalty, love and prayers. The large Lichtenau-Petershagen-Schönsee congregation in the Mennonite Molotschna Colony in today’s Ukraine led by 80-year-old Elder (Bishop) Jakob Töws expressed its “deep loyalty and love for the throne and the Fatherland” ( note 1 ). Similarly, the Mennonite Chortitza congregation declared that Mennonites bow “humbly before the Imperial Majesty with most faithful love and devotion,” and “together with all faithful subjects send their most passionate prayers and supplications to the Most High, that He may extend his mighty hand over the beloved Tsar and the Russian people, and that peace may soon be returned” ( note 2 ). The Einlage Mennonite Brethren congregation offered a similar statement, “inspired by feelings of boundless dedication to the Sovereign Fatherland,” with “passionate prayers” for the Tsar and Fatherland, based on 1 Timothy 2:1–4 ( note 3 ...

1843: London Bible Society, revival and School reform

In 1843 the Russian Mennonite colonies received a visitation from the London Bible Society. It was the same year that Charles Dickens published "A Christmas Carol" about the miser Ebenezer Scrooge and his conversion after the visitation of three Christmas ghosts! Dickens was not happy that the Church’s overseas mission budget was so large, while in his view they neglected the poor on their own doorsteps in London. Ebenezer was in fact a common British name of the era. A few years earlier the Molotschna was visited by a delegation from the British and Foreign Bible Society. The British agent, Reverend Ebeneezer Henderson, convinced Molotschna elders and Johann Cornies to establish their own Bible Society. "As they live on habits of friendship and intimacy with their Tatar neighbours, and one of their principal men [Cornies] speaks the Tatar with fluency, we furnished him with a good supply of New Testaments, and other portions of Scripture, in that language, that they m...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...