Skip to main content

Death of refugee children as political football, 1929-30 Germany

By January 2, 1930, over 50 mostly Mennonite children under the age of four had died very suddenly from a measles-like condition in the camps. These children and their families had fled to Moscow in the fall of 1929 and were then rescued to Germany before moving on to Canada, Paraguay or Brazil.

The German government had appointed the Social Democrat politician Stücklen as Commissioner for German-Russian Aid to oversee all aspects of the emigration.


The German Communist Party paper Rote Fahne did not waste the opportunity to politicize the epidemic and lampoon Stücklen and all involved. The paper published a grizzly political cartoon depicting the “mass death of the Kulak-children at the Hammerstein camp” with the comment from Stücklen that these deaths are "still better than in the hell of Russia." The paper depicted the Commissar as a smiling “fat-cat” capitalist politician beside the children’s caskets who was happy to use even the worst events to smear the USSR.

Many families like my own had children or grandchildren or nieces and nephews suddenly take sick and perish at one of the camps. My great-uncle Isbrand Janzen (#473153) recorded the following at Prenzlau:

  • January 2, Elvera (age 2; daughter) admitted to hospital; Prenzlau
  • January 3, Gredel (Margaretha; age 3½; daughter) admitted to hospital; Prenzlau
  • January 7, Mika Janzen (relative?) buried.
  • January 7, Willy (age 10 months; son) half-day in hospital.
  • January 9, Elvera released from hospital
  • January 12, Willy admitted to hospital
  • January 15, Willy died; 1 AM
  • January 17, Willy buried in Prenzlau
  • January 24, Gredel released from hospital

The notes reflect how suddenly illness and death came knocking and hint at just how devastating the epidemic was for the family. Our family was from Spat, Crimea (note 1; pic 1).

Almost without exception, affected children were under the age of four. It was not simply measles as first thought, but a “peculiar febrile (fever) disease,” which in most cases leads to death within a few hours. It is caused “by a rarely occurring bacillus, streptococcus,” which had occurred in Germany only once before, in Berlin in 1922, according to the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. “The severe complications caused by the fever manifest themselves in inflammation of the cornea, inflammation of the skin of the cheeks, the mucous membrane of the lips, and in many cases also severe pneumonia” (note 2).

Stücklen “immediately had additional hospital barracks erected in Hammerstein and called in an additional number of physicians. ... The camp is strictly guarded. It is forbidden to enter the camp, and the refugees in the individual barracks are not allowed to visit each other, lest the disease be spread. Currently, 3200 persons are accommodated in Hammerstein.” (Note 3).

Some of the children—but not all—were very weak and poorly nourished when they arrived in Germany, and had particularly low resistance. The newswire carried the following paragraph, which was reprinted widely:

“The refugees recognize that everything that can be done for them is being done from the German side. However, it has happened in a number of cases that mothers have hidden sick children because they did not want to part with them. The very religious Mennonites, in keeping with the customs of their former homeland, try to pray the children to health. When searching for sick children in the camp, many mothers used every imaginable trick to hide their children from the examining physicians. Exits were guarded and a thorough search of the barracks was carried out. ... In the Prenzlau refugee camp, a number of children have also fallen ill with measles. ... The health of children in the Mölln (Holstein) refugee camp is good.” (Note 4)

What the families did not know was that the death of these children was also being used as a type of political football.

The Rote Fahne of sought, of course, to use the epidemic to reveal a larger scandal, in their eyes:

“In fact, the cause of the rapid spread of the disease after several weeks of stay in Germany is only to be found in the unsanitary conditions [of barracks] and the backwardness of the kulaks based on their religion motives. The bourgeois press itself has to admit that the kulaks perceived the disease ‘as God’s providence,’ and that at the beginning of the epidemic the mothers resisted medical treatment. …

The ‘8 O’Clock Evening News’ on January 3 let the cat out of the bag: its inflammatory article was directed against the Soviet Union with the headline: ‘The death of children in the refugee camp - still better than in the hell of Russia.’

Truly, the six million Reichsmarks that were squeezed out of the German proletarians [for the emigrants] have been well invested for the bourgeoisie: even the self-incurred mass death of children is brilliantly exploited for their anti-Soviet agitation [and agenda].” (Note 5)

The Rote Fahne followed the lead of Moscow and viewed the entire rescue drama of formerly wealthy Soviet German farmers—kulaks—as deviously orchestrated to embarrass the USSR on the world stage. Not surprisingly, the Soviet paper PRAVDA headline on January 3 read: “Infection among Mennonite Emigrants: Capitalist ‘Paradise’ Disappoints.”

Like the Rote Fahne, PRAVDA referred to the German refugee barracks as “concentration camps” (of course pre-WW2) adding that “many families are already openly discussing their wishes to return to the USSR” (January 3, 1930). Two days later the PRAVDA headline read: “Kulak-Mennonites in their Bourgeois ‘Fatherland’: Anti-Soviet Emigration Campaign fails Miserably” (note 6).

The “emigration campaign” was led by kulaks and preachers, according to PRAVDA, and their tricks have ended in catastrophe.

This brutal blame-game also had a context. The Vossische Zeitung, one of Berlin’s oldest newspapers and sometimes regarded as the nation’s “newspaper of record,” is telling. It represented the broad liberal middle-class between the rising parties on the left and the right in 1930—the Communists and the Nazis.

On January 2, 1930, page 3 (pic) offers a great example of the political temperature in the country. The VZ page included a report a) on the epidemic at the Hammerstein camp; b) on street brawls between the Nazis and communists (Nazis fatally stab someone); and c) on a break-in at a government employment agency, in which confidential files were stolen by communist agitators for the purposes of “party propaganda” in order to stir labour unrest and dissatisfaction among the unemployed (note 7).

In fact, in the VZ from mid-November 1929 to mid-January 1930, almost every other issue reports on demonstrations, clashes, shootings, arson, riots, stabbings and street fights between the two radical parties. The Mennonite refugees would surely have had access to some newspapers, and would have known this, if not seen it first-hand. In one of the items, Hitler argued that his paramilitary thugs were necessary because—in his view—police and state were failing to protect the German people from “organized Marxist terror.” The flight of "German farmers" in Russia to Moscow and Germany, their strong anti-Soviet testimony, played perfectly into his hand.

In the midst of all of this, children were dying in an epidemic—and their deaths were being used for political purposes. A letter of thanks written by the newly arrived refugees and published in newspapers across Germany a month earlier reveals some convictions already formed:

“In Russia we were treated as enemies, here as friends, even more, as brothers. After all, German blood also flows in our veins. ... With all our hearts we implore the blessings of the Most High upon Germany and her people. May peace and prosperity be granted to the German Fatherland” (Note 8).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: I thank John Janzen (Niagara) for the notes from his father Isbrand (my grandmother’s brother).

Note 2: “Die Epidemie im Hammersteiner Flüchtlingslager,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Morning Berlin edition, January 3, 1930, no. 3 Beiblatt, https://www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/.../PLEKFIHZB....

Note 3: “Masernepidemie bei den Wolgadeutschen,” Volksfreund (Karlsruhe) 50, no. 2 (January 3, 1930), 1, https://digital.blb-karlsruhe.de/.../webcache/1504/3684465.

Note 4: Ibid, and others: https://www.deutsche-digitale-bibliothek.de/.../newspaper....

Note 5: “Massensterben der Auswandererkinder: Die Früchte der 'Brüder-in-Not' Aktion," Rote Fahne (Berlin) 13, no. 3, supplement 1 (January 4, 1930). http://ciml.250x.com/.../1930/die_rote_fahne_1930-04-01.pdf.

Note 6PRAVDA (official newspaper of the Communist Party USSR), January 4, p. 1; January 5, p. 1; translations from the Russian by Brent Wiebe.

Note 7Vossische Zeitung (Berlin), Thursday, January 2, 1930, p. 3, https://dfg-viewer.de/show.... For all issues of the Vossische Zeitung: https://zefys.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/.../zdb/27112366/.

Note 8Vossische Zeitung, December 7, 1929, evening edition, p. 1, https://dfg-viewer.de/show/?set%5Bmets%5D=https://content.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/zefys/SNP27112366-19291207-1-0-0-0.xml.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

A Mennonite Pandemic Spirituality, 1830-1831

Asiatic Cholera broke out across Russia in 1829 and ‘30, and further into Europe in 1831. It began with an infected battalion in Orenburg ( note 1 ), and by early Fall 1830 the disease had reached Moscow and the capital. Russia imposed drastic quarantine measures. Much like today, infected regions were cut off and domestic trade was restricted. The disease reached the Molotschna River district in Fall 1830, and by mid-December hundreds of Nogai deaths were recorded in the villages adjacent to the Mennonite colony, leading state authorities to impose a strict quarantine. When the Mennonite Johann Cornies—a state-appointed agricultural supervisor and civic leader—first became aware of the nearby cholera-related deaths, he recommended to the Mennonite District Office on December 6, 1830 to stop traffic and prevent random contacts with Nogai. For Cornies it was important that the Mennonite community do all it can keep from carrying the disease into the community, though “only God knows...

The Beginnings: Some Basics

The sixteenth-century ancestors of Russian Mennonites were largely Anabaptists from the Low Countries. Because their new vision of church called for voluntary membership marked by adult baptism upon confession of faith, they became one of the most persecuted groups of the Protestant Reformation ( note 1 ). For a millennium re-baptism ( a na -baptism) had been considered a heresy punishable by death ( note 2 ), and again in 1529 the Imperial Diet of Speyer called for the “brutal” punishment for those who did not recognize infant baptism. Many of the earliest Anabaptist cells were found in Belgium and The Netherlands--part of the larger Habsburg Empire ruled after 1555 by “the Most Catholic of Kings,” Philip II of Spain. The North Sea port cities of the Low Countries had some limited freedoms and were places for both commercial and cultural exchange; ships arrived daily not only from other Hanseatic League like Danzig, but also from Florence, Venice and Genoa, the Americas and the Far Ea...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...