Skip to main content

Immigration from Paraguay to Canada, 1955

When Helene (Thiessen) Bräul and daughter Käthe arrived at the Malton-Toronto Airport from Paraguay on May 29, 1955, Helene was fifty-one years old. With many of her friends, she struggled with the inhospitable Paraguayan Chaco for eight years. Their husbands had all been shot in Ukraine seventeen years earlier. Käthe (my mother) was seventeen-and-a-half—robbed of a normal childhood, but ready and hopeful for new beginnings. Neither knew English and they arrived as poor as when they left war-torn Europe in 1947: one suitcase each, but now with a travel debt as well. Mennonites in Paraguay had survived the worst because of a rich global church network of support (note 1).


While Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) and the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization (CMBC) did not provide financial assistance for immigration to Canada from South America, they did assist with immigration procedures and travel arrangements. Canadian immigration officials did background checks of applicants both in Paraguay and Europe.

CMBC Chair J. J. Thiessen also made multiple “personal” representations to the Canadian government on behalf of Mennonite men from the Soviet Union in Europe (and some in Paraguay) who had joined the German Waffen-SS—including Thiessen’s own nephew. Helene’s two eldest sons were in the same cavalry squadron, but missing in action.

In 1955 there was a huge government backlog in processing sponsored applicants—77,158—and approvals took on average one year. Helene and Käthe were among 109,946 immigrants to Canada in 1955 (note 2).

The Bräuls were brought to the Jordan and Vineland area (Niagara), the location of the very first Mennonite settlement in Canada in 1786—coincidently, the same year that Mennonites in Polish-Prussia were negotiating terms with Catherine the Great for the creation of a Mennonite settlement in New Russia.

On paper Helene was sponsored from Paraguay under Canada’s generous “Close Relatives” scheme by her sister Maria Thiessen Braul and family in Alberta. But it was her cousin in Jordan Station who could advance the full air fare of approximately $650 per person, and offer accommodations and work for Helene and Käthe on their fruit farm.


Most immigrants from Paraguay settled either in Niagara, Leamington, Winnipeg or in the Fraser Valley in British Columbia (note 3). Demand for Canadian fruit and vegetable products during the war years allowed Mennonite farms in Ontario and B.C to flourish. The relatives in Alberta thought correctly that it would be physically easier for Helene to work on a fruit farm than to hoe beets on the Alberta prairie (note 4); in the Soviet Union and in Paraguay many women had done physical labour far beyond what their bodies could in fact handle and with the most primitive equipment. The Niagara region was particularly attractive because of its job opportunities and its network of Mennonites and their institutions (note 5).

Helene’s cousin offered a room in their house on their thirty-two-acre fruit farm. The room had one double bed which Käthe and Helene shared and a table. The room was so small that their two suitcases had to be stacked one upon the other.


Like so many immigrants to Niagara, Helene became a farm labourer upon arrival. She began work at 6 AM, and long hours were expected. She had to pay for her room and board, and repay the full amount of the airfare. In one year of farm labour, a fellow immigrant with a similar life-story recorded (a few years later) earnings of $7,312: “1962: Worked on the Janzen farm … earned $5,192 (hourly), plus $1,142 for strawberry picking; $98 grape cutting; in total earned $7,312.” The immigrant women earned 6 cents per quart of strawberries and 25 cents for a bushel of grapes (note 6). Those who could pick fast the whole day, earned good money. Within one year Helene had completely paid off her travel debt to her cousin and was ready to move on. Pruning fruit trees in the cold of winter was too much for her body; in the first year, she developed a kidney infection and was told by her doctor to discontinue outside winter labour.

She and Käthe then moved from Jordan Station to nearby Vineland where they found an apartment on First Street, in walking distance from the Vineland United Mennonite Church and other amenities. The owners—a Derksen family—were originally from the village of Pordenau in Molotschna where Helene and her husband Franz Bräul had married in 1921. The Derksens treated Helene and daughter Käthe well; and when they sold the house to another Mennonite family—Arthur Harders—the Derksens instructed Harders not to raise the rent!

After one year in Canada Helene—with the assistance of extended family and CMBC—was in a position to bring her son Walter and young family to Canada. They arrived on May 12, 1956, and also boarded with their relatives in Jordan Station (note 7). Walter worked all summer on the farm, and then a relative of Walter’s wife Adina offered Walter construction work and rental accommodations.

Helene also found new employment at the recently constructed Mennonite Home for the Aged in Vineland next to their church, where many years later she also lived as an older adult. Unfortunately, Helene’s job at the Home required her to go in and out of a refrigerated room and her kidneys continued to flare up. It was not long, however, before Helene was able to find work and a rhythm that was suitable: labour in a greenhouse in the spring, on the fruit farm in the summer, and at the Culver House Canning Factory near Vineland Station in the fall.

Daughter Käthe was seventeen; she had completed high school in Paraguay and had looked forward to teachers’ college there too. Now with a change of language, culture, and academic approach, she felt her prospects of becoming a teacher were bleak. But education had also been her father’s explicit wish for the children, if at all possible. From a strictly financial perspective, it made little sense. Helene however held to her commitment, and both agreed for Käthe to attend English high school.

Eden Christian College, a publicly accountable, private Mennonite Brethren high school in Virgil, Ontario about 35 kilometres from Vineland was to become Käthe’s new Canadian home away from home. Eden was established by another cousin of Helene’s—Henry B. Tiessen. Tiessen arrived in Canada as a twenty-one-year-old in 1926. Its name too pointed back to a lost paradise and promise of new beginning and blessing, surrounded by the orchards of Niagara. Eden was established in 1945, with a new school building in 1947, and an addition of four new classrooms and large gym-auditorium in 1955 for its 183 students (note  8), 66% of whom came from Mennonite Brethren congregations (note 9).


At Eden Käthe was placed directly into Grade 11 without knowing a word of English. The first year was particularly difficult, especially physics and chemistry, for in Paraguay their instruction had been without the luxury of any science equipment. The physics teacher—who also taught German—gave Käthe zero on her physics exam because her correct answers were in German! At Eden Käthe received room and board together with other students from Leamington, Toronto, Kitchener, and Port Rowan, and she reconnected here with a few old friends from Paraguay. She was encouraged on her first Canadian birthday when on November 19, 1955 the first snow of winter arrived—something she had not seen since leaving the Netherlands on the Volendam almost a decade earlier; she received it as a gift from heaven!

Towards the end of a difficult first school year in Canada, Käthe thought she should leave school for a year and work to help her mother financially and to learn more English. However, the principal at the time told her not to quit on him. At the close of the year Käthe received “the most improved student” award and a full tuition scholarship for Grade 12! Normally this scholarship was designated for Mennonite Brethren students only, but many years later Käthe learnt how one board member fought on her behalf—“because she earned it.” The investment in this student paid off: she continued school and by the end of Grade 12 she placed third overall.

If in Germany years earlier her sister Sara had been encouraged to “Germanicize” her Jewish sounding name to Else upon naturalization in 1944, now Käthe’s Canadian teacher encouraged her to anglicize her name to “Katharine” for her diploma, suggesting that the transition into post-war Canadian life would be more successful with an English name. The next year she completed her Grade 13 program for students preparing for post-secondary education at Vineland’s designated public high school in Beamsville. She completed Teachers College afterwards as well and—after the children had arrived—taught ESL for many years, but also German School in the Vineland and St. Catharines area (note 10).

More than sixty percent of the 4,000 post-war Mennonite refugees in Paraguay eventually immigrated to Canada. They were amongst some 8,000 Mennonite refugees in total from Europe to Canada between 1947 and 1958; women outnumbered men approximately two to one (note 11).

Helene lived with daughter Katharine and her husband Peter Fast in St. Catharines after they married in 1959. In the city she found employment as an orderly at the Hotel Dieu hospital run by the Religious Hospitallers of St. Joseph. The Hotel Dieu started as a maternity hospital; in 1962 the facility doubled its capacity to 250 beds in response to the growing population (note 12). Helene used transit to and from work with a transfer downtown where she could do her personal shopping. After a few years she had earned and saved enough to purchase an investment property beside the church. In the winter of  1965–1966, Helene, with Katharine and family, travelled to Paraguay to visit her daughter Sarah, who with her family had returned to Paraguay after a less than satisfying start in Canada.

After some thirty years as a widow and thirteen years in Canada, Helene’s life took yet a very different turn when she was courted by a recently widowed minister and elder in the St. Catharines United Mennonite Church, Peter J. Heinrichs.


Heinrichs was born in 1889 in the village of Schardau, Molotschna, South Russia where Helene too was raised. In 1924 at the age of 35 Heinrichs and his first wife Maria Görz (1894-1963) immigrated to Canada and were among the original settlers in Springstein, Manitoba. Peter taught school for many years in the town of St. Elisabeth, and in 1952 he and his wife (they had no children) moved to St. Catharines where he became the congregation’s lead minister and last ordained elder.

My mother Katharine and her brother Walter were understandably shocked by their mother’s new relationship; she had had so much heartache over the years, and “old Reverend Heinrichs”—fourteen years her senior—would need her care and likely not live many more years.

The couple married on March 23, 1968; Helene was 64 and "Opa Heinrichs" as we called him was 78 years of age. I never had a grandfather before, so this was all interesting for me. Helene transferred her church membership from Vineland to the St. Catharines United Mennonite Church at this time, and moved into his small house near the new and large church complex in the north end of St. Catharines, completed in 1967.

They were a couple for four years and, though Helene played the role of nurse for much of that time, she seemed much fulfilled to have a husband and her own home and garden.

After his death, Helene lived another thirteen years at that house—a five-minute walk from church and a convenience store—and was happy to be known as “Frau Heinrichs.”

Her life in Canada rarely stretched beyond the rich circle of church friends from the old country, and especially the other ladies from her women’s group who had lived under both Stalin and Hitler, and made the sojourn through Paraguay.

She had her Bible, her German devotional calendar, the German-Canadian Mennonite paper (Der Bote), and the Gesangbuch der Mennoniten hymnal. These were sufficient. Though Helene was not musical, she carried her Gesangbuch every Sunday to church, and it included all the hymns that gave meaning and sustenance to her and her generation—from a happy childhood and youth and through all of the twists and turns and tragedies of her life. God’s hand, God’s leading, were always quietly assumed, affirmed and celebrated.

Helene was not a broken person—at least not from the perspective of her grandchildren who knew both her strength of character and her love. It was important for Helene not to carry a grudge, to do what you can, and to be grateful for what you have. God will take care of the rest. She did not speak of the war, the Stalin years, or the revolution—let alone complain of what life had brought her. She did not “go there,” likely because she could not. At her bedside, there was always a handsome picture of her son Peter in German uniform, conscripted into the German army at the tail end of World War II at the age eighteen. This one picture was enough to indicate to her grandchildren that she still carried some very deep pain, wounds she could not open, and with many stories left untold.

In 1983 Helene suffered a series of small strokes from which she never fully recovered. As her health declined she moved into the Vineland Mennonite Home for the Aged where she spent her last years. Already in 1960 her blood tests showed signs of Parkinson’s disease, and these symptoms became pronounced in the 1980s. In 1985 Helene moved from her seniors’ apartment into a care suite on the first floor of the Vineland Home. Helene passed away on Wednesday, November 25, 1992, just days shy of her eighty-ninth birthday.

The events of Helene’s life connect at many points with the evolution of Mennonite-Christian identity and ministry in Canada, especially through the work of Mennonite Central Committee. Hospitality and immigration assistance to refugees of war or disaster, together with famine relief, a special commitment to help the family of faith, and inter-Mennonite cooperation became early themes that would define and give direction for Mennonite ministry in the latter half of the twentieth century.

             ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: See previous posts, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/volendam-and-arrival-in-south-america.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/what-does-it-cost-to-settle-refugee-mcc.html, etc.

Note 2: Cf. Valerie Knowles, Strangers at our Gates. Canadian Immigration and Immigration Policy, 1540–2006, revised ed. (Toronto: Dundurn, 2007), 182; Esther Epp-Tiessen, J. J. Thiessen: A Leader for His Time (Winnipeg, MB: Canadian Mennonite Bible College Publications, 2001), 182; J. J. Thiessen, “Flüchtlingsansiedlung in Kanada: Die Einwanderung mennonitischer Flüchtlinge nach Kanada seit 1947,” in Die Gemeinde Christi und ihr Auftrag. Vorträge und Verhandlungen der Fünften Mennonitischen Weltkonferenz vom 10. bis 15. August 1952, St. Chrischona bei Basel, edited by H. S. Bender, 273–286 (Karlsruhe: Heinrich Schneider, 1953), 278f., https://archive.org/details/mwc-1952-fulltext.

Note 3: Ted D. Regehr, “Influence of World War II on Mennonites in Canada,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987), 73–89; 79, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/141/141.

Note 4: Cf. e.g., “Beet labor for Alberta —Buchanan urges,” Lethbridge Herald (February 13, 1947), 1, https://digitallibrary.uleth.ca/digital/collection/herald/id/197688/rec/3.

Note 5: Cf. G. N. Harder, “Fruit Growing in Vineland in the Niagara Peninsula,” Mennonite Life 11, no. 2 (1956), 75–79, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1956apr.pdf; also C. Alfred Friesen, Memoirs of the Virgil-Niagara Mennonites. History of the Mennonite Settlement in Niagara-on-the-Lake Ontario, 1934–84 (Niagara-on-the-Lake, ON, 1984).

Note 6: “Diary 1930–1971 of Elisabeth Klassen Reimer (1910–1994).” Copy in author’s possession.

Note 7: Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization Family Registration Form no. 9570, http://www.mennonitechurch.ca/programs/archives/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1947-60index.htm,

Note 8: See Henry B. Tiessen, Teaching in Ontario 1936–1970 (Kitchener, ON: Self-published, 1988); idem, The Molotschna Colony: A Heritage Remembered (Kitchener, ON: Self-published, 1979).

Note 9: Friesen, Memoirs of the Virgil-Niagara Mennonites, 84. In 1954, twenty-nine percent were from United Mennonite Church background, five percent others.

Note 10: See previous post (forthcoming).

Note 11: Cf. George K. Epp, “Mennonite Immigration to Canada after World War II,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 5 (1987), 108–119; 116, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/143.

Note 12: Cf. Great Beginnings: The First Fifty Years of Caring at Hotel Dieu Hospital St. Catharines (St. Catharines, ON: Religious Hospitallers of St. Joseph, 1998), 27. 

Note 13: Esther Epp-Tiessen, Mennonite Central Committee in Canada: A History (Winnipeg, MB: Canadian Mennonite University Press, 2013), 34f.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

"They are useful to the state." An almost forgotten Prussian view of Mennonites, ca. 1780s-90s

In 1787 Mennonite interest for emigration was extremely strong outside the quasi independent City of Danzig in the Prussian annexed Marienwerder and Elbing regions. Even before the land scouts Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner had returned from Russia later that year, so many Mennonite exit applications had flooded offices that officials wrote Berlin in August 1787 for direction ( note 1a ). Initially officials did not see a problem: because Mennonites do not provide soldiers, the cantons lose nothing by their departure, and in fact benefit from the ten-percent tax imposed on financial assets leaving the state.  Ludwig von Baczko (1756-1823), Professor of History at the Artillery Academy in Königsberg, East Prussia, was the general editor of a series that included a travelogue through Prussia written by a certain Karl Ephraim Nanke. Nanke had no special love for Mennonites, but was generally balanced in his judgements and based his now almost forgotten account of Mennonites on perso...

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

German Village on the Dnieper: Occupation Propaganda Photos. Chortitza, 1943

The following propaganda photos are of the Mennonites community in Chortitz, Ukraine during German occupation in World War II. German armies reached the Mennonite villages on the west bank of the Dnieper River on August 17, 1941. The photos below were taken almost two years later. However the war was already turning, and within two months the trek out of Ukraine would begin. The photographs are accompanied by an article about the Low-German speakers of Chortitza for a readership in the Reich ( note 1 ). The author repeatedly draws on the myth of one-sided German pioneer accomplishments abroad: “The first settlers found the land desolate and empty,” the reader is told, and were “left to fend for themselves in a foreign environment” where with German diligence, order and cleanliness they thrived. The article correctly recognizes the great losses of the ethnic Germans under Bolshevism--as if to convince readers that the war is a shared burden of all Germans, and which is now payin...

Flooding as a weapon of war, 1657

If a picture is worth a thousand words, then these maps speak volumes. In February 1657, the Swedish King Carolus Gustavus ordered an intentional breach of the embankments along the Vistula River to completely flood the villages of the Danzig Werder. See the vivid punctures and water flow in 1657 map below; compare with the 1730 maps with rebuilt villages and farms ( note 1 ). In Polish memory this war is appropriately remembered as "The Deluge". Villages in the Danzig Werder (delta) from which Mennonites immigrated to Russia include: Quadendorf, Reichenberg, Krampitz, Neunhuben, Hochzeit, Scharfenberg, Wotzlaff, Landau, Schönau, Nassenhuben, Mönchengrebin, and Nobel ( note 2 ). In the war the suburbs outside the gates of Danzig suffered most; Mennonites lived here in large numbers, e.g., in Alt Schottland and Stoltzenberg. First, these villages were completely razed by the City of Danzig to keep the invading Swedes from using the villages to their advantage in battle. ...

Molotschna: The final months, Summer 1943

These photos are from German propaganda material filmed in Molotschna (called "Halbstadt") in 1943—just a few months before the evacuation from Ukraine and trek to German-annexed Poland (Warthegau). Not all of the film is of the Mennonite settlement, however, but much of it is. Below are some frames from the film. The edited shorter version is of higher quality and designed as propaganda to be consumed by Germans in the Reich and to secure their approval .  The scenes are marked by cleanliness, orderliness and discipline. There is economic activity, a model Kindergarten, and always happy ethnic German people in the newly occupied territories. A predominantly Mennonite Cavalry Regiment (Waffen-SS) guarding Ukrainian and Russian workers is also highlighted. This hard to see and disturbing. Anything that may have been good here for Mennonites meant enslavement, hunger and death for untold numbers of others. Two versions of the film are available: Shorter (edited for l...

Nazi German love for Mennonites in Ukraine. Why?

For Mennonites the dramatic and massive invasion of USSR by German forces in Summer/Fall 1941 meant liberation from Soviet state terror and answer to prayer. Nazi Germany spared neither money nor personnel to free, feed, cloth, protect, heal and educate the Soviet Union’s ethnic Germans—and Mennonites in particular. Mennonite memoirs, village reports and EWZ (naturalization applications) autobiographies are consistent with praise for the German Reich and its leader. From the highest levels, goodwill, care and patience towards ethnic Germans was policy. Reichsführer -SS Heinrich Himmler was also named by Hitler as Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Nationhood . This authorized Himmler and his para-military SS to oversee and coordinate the Germanization, resettlements and population transfers which came with the invasion and partial annexation of Poland (Warthegau), and later occupation plans for parts of Ukraine and Russia. The VoMi ( Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle )...