Skip to main content

What does it cost to settle a refugee? MCC (1947-48) and Paraguay

It is impossible to count the volunteer hours, the unregistered gifts and donations, “sweat equity,” and the incalculable contribution of indigenous peoples who shared the land and helped settle the post-WWII Mennonite refugees in Paraguay.

But the larger financial expenditures can be tracked. All North American Mennonites were part of this story through the Mennonite Central Committee.

1. The total cost for transporting the 5,620 refugees was $650,000 US, or about $125 per person. MCC loaned $200,000 and the International Relief Organization carried the remainder of the costs (note 1). MCC hoped that the refugees could soon repay their transportation debt in order to fund further refugee work. Before leaving Europe, MCC loaded the Volendam ship with boxes and bales filled with 32,000 items of donated clothing, shoes, and quilts for distribution.


2. Paraguay—a welcoming country. All Mennonite refugees were offered entry—including the sick, aged and those conscripted as German soldiers. All immigrants were granted broad religious freedoms as negotiated by those who came before them (Menno Colony). But the state could not provide any social or economic support for those settlers in the Chaco.


3. Lengua Indigenous people were peaceful, shared the land and know-how of Chaco flora and fauna, as well as survival skills and medicines (note 2a).

4. Colonies Menno (from Canada, est. 1927), Fernheim (est. 1930) and Friesland (est. 1937) received the new refugees generously in their homes, and prepared and trained them with skills for next stages of settlement.

5. MCC acquired 75,000 hectares of land for the new Chaco colony of Neuland. Land surveys were undertaken and village plans laid out, including common bush- and woodland. Each lot was 200 metres wide and 600 metres long (12 hectares in total). Though the land titles were held in common by the administration of the colony, the farmsteads were considered private property that could be bought and sold among the settlers themselves. Buyers of land first had to be accepted as members of the colony, however. The lots were distributed by lot!

6. Single mothers without grown sons made up 40% of the new households. It was agreed “that each six Fernheim families would be responsible for erecting a house for a widow in Neuland. If a person could not donate time, he was expected to contribute the equivalent value in cash” (note 2b). In total 94 houses were built for the single mothers in Neuland (note 3): all single story wood framed, adobe brick buildings 6 to 7 metres long and 3.5 to 4 metres wide (max. length of timber) with a porch with an overhanging roof. The first piece of furniture was often gifted.


7. Fernheimers also lent each family a tame cow for five years, a pair of tame oxen for each complete farm, six chickens and thirty kilograms of peanuts for seed (note 4). MCC made these arrangements possible: 100 Guaraní to purchase an ox and 90 Guaraní to purchase a cow (note 5).

8. Basics: MCC arranged that each new farmstead would be given the most necessary utensils and tools needed for survival, including an axe, a hoe, a spade, a bush knife, a water bucket, a handsaw and barbed wire for fencing for six hectares (note 6)—though wire for fencing was in very short supply. MCC also gave each family a 250 Guaraní credit (worth between $60 and $80 US) to acquire farming equipment. At that time a wagon cost between 500 and 600 Guaraní and a plough 80 Guaraní. Consequently, in the first years, families shared equipment: “Ten families shared a wagon. Eight families shared a cultivator. Six families shared a plow” (note 7).

9. MCC financial support for the maintenance of the refugees for the first years amounted to 20 Guaraní (about $6.00 US) per month per family; of this amount 3 Guaraní per month was deducted and designated for common c
olony projects and expenses, including roads, schools, a first-aid station in Neu-Halbstadt and later for the wages of the colony manager, teachers, and the first wagon for the settlers’ committee (note 8).

Settling a refugee family is expensive. Those families who benefited—like my own—owe a huge debt of gratitude to all of the above. As one observer noted, this was only possible because “a sense of a cooperative common life which had developed over centuries” (note 9). Other accounts recall the almost “limitless willingness to assist one another,” a strong “spirit of unity”—and of course the singing that also marked those early years (note 10).


            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Edgar Stoesz and Muriel T. Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness. Mennonite Communities in the Paraguayan Chaco, 1927–1997 (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1999), 75. Another calculation: “Total cost of the movement including transportation, down payment on land purchases, equipment and maintenance up to November 30, 1947, was $549,335.17. Of this amount $160,000 was paid by the Intergovernmental Committee for Refugees and the balance was covered by gifts and loans of the North America Mennonite brotherhood through Mennonite Resettlement finance” (Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus [Altona, MB: Friesen, 1962], 381).

Note 2a: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/lengua-indigenous-people-of-gran-chaco.html

Note 2b: J. Winfield Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay: The Story of Mennonite Colonization in South America (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1953), 42f. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001448782.

Note 3: Stoesz and Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness, 77.

Note 4: Marlene Epp, Women without Men: Mennonite Refugees of the Second World War (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 96, https://archive.org/details/womenwithoutmenm0000eppm.

Note 5: Walter Regehr, ed., 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 1947–1972 (Karlsruhe: Schneider, 1972), 33.

Note 6: Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 21f.

Note 7: Stoesz and Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness, 90. In 1948, the 538 farms in Neuland had only 65 ploughs, 24 cultivators and 45 wagons (Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay, 45f.).

Note 8: Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 22f.

Note 9: Herbert Klassen and Maureen Klassen, Ambassador to his People: C. F. Klassen and the Russian Mennonite Refugees (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 1990), 154f., https://archive.org/details/AmbassadorToHisPeopleOCRopt1.

Note 10: Heinrich Ratzlaff, Atlas der Siedlungsdörfer der Kolonie Neuland, 1947–1997 (Neu-Halbstadt, PY: Kolonieamt-Neuland, 1996), 2.

Pics: from W. Regehr, ed., 25 Jahre Neuland.

For MCC video,

1970's version with Peter Dyck retelling the story in three parts:

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

On Becoming the Quiet in the Land

They are fair questions: “What happened to the firebrands of the Reformation? How did the movement become so withdrawn--even "dour and unexciting,” according to one historian? Mennonites originally referred to themselves as the “quiet in the land” in contrast to the militant--definitely more exciting--militant revolutionaries of Münster ( note 1 ), and identification with Psalm 35:19f.: “Let not my enemies gloat over me … For they do not speak peace, but they devise deceitful schemes against those who live quietly in the land.” How did Mennonites become the “quiet in the land” in Royal Prussia? Minority non-citizen groups in Poland like Jews, Scots, Huguenots or the much smaller body of Mennonites did not enjoy full political or economic rights as citizens. Ecclesial and civil laws left linguistic or religious minorities vulnerable to extortion. Such groups sought to negotiate a Privilegium or charter with the king, which set out a legal basis for some protections of life an...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...