Skip to main content

What does it cost to settle a refugee? MCC (1947-48) and Paraguay

It is impossible to count the volunteer hours, the unregistered gifts and donations, “sweat equity,” and the incalculable contribution of indigenous peoples who shared the land and helped settle the post-WWII Mennonite refugees in Paraguay.

But the larger financial expenditures can be tracked. All North American Mennonites were part of this story through the Mennonite Central Committee.

1. The total cost for transporting the 5,620 refugees was $650,000 US, or about $125 per person. MCC loaned $200,000 and the International Relief Organization carried the remainder of the costs (note 1). MCC hoped that the refugees could soon repay their transportation debt in order to fund further refugee work. Before leaving Europe, MCC loaded the Volendam ship with boxes and bales filled with 32,000 items of donated clothing, shoes, and quilts for distribution.


2. Paraguay—a welcoming country. All Mennonite refugees were offered entry—including the sick, aged and those conscripted as German soldiers. All immigrants were granted broad religious freedoms as negotiated by those who came before them (Menno Colony). But the state could not provide any social or economic support for those settlers in the Chaco.


3. Lengua Indigenous people were peaceful, shared the land and know-how of Chaco flora and fauna, as well as survival skills and medicines (note 2a).

4. Colonies Menno (from Canada, est. 1927), Fernheim (est. 1930) and Friesland (est. 1937) received the new refugees generously in their homes, and prepared and trained them with skills for next stages of settlement.

5. MCC acquired 75,000 hectares of land for the new Chaco colony of Neuland. Land surveys were undertaken and village plans laid out, including common bush- and woodland. Each lot was 200 metres wide and 600 metres long (12 hectares in total). Though the land titles were held in common by the administration of the colony, the farmsteads were considered private property that could be bought and sold among the settlers themselves. Buyers of land first had to be accepted as members of the colony, however. The lots were distributed by lot!

6. Single mothers without grown sons made up 40% of the new households. It was agreed “that each six Fernheim families would be responsible for erecting a house for a widow in Neuland. If a person could not donate time, he was expected to contribute the equivalent value in cash” (note 2b). In total 94 houses were built for the single mothers in Neuland (note 3): all single story wood framed, adobe brick buildings 6 to 7 metres long and 3.5 to 4 metres wide (max. length of timber) with a porch with an overhanging roof. The first piece of furniture was often gifted.


7. Fernheimers also lent each family a tame cow for five years, a pair of tame oxen for each complete farm, six chickens and thirty kilograms of peanuts for seed (note 4). MCC made these arrangements possible: 100 Guaraní to purchase an ox and 90 Guaraní to purchase a cow (note 5).

8. Basics: MCC arranged that each new farmstead would be given the most necessary utensils and tools needed for survival, including an axe, a hoe, a spade, a bush knife, a water bucket, a handsaw and barbed wire for fencing for six hectares (note 6)—though wire for fencing was in very short supply. MCC also gave each family a 250 Guaraní credit (worth between $60 and $80 US) to acquire farming equipment. At that time a wagon cost between 500 and 600 Guaraní and a plough 80 Guaraní. Consequently, in the first years, families shared equipment: “Ten families shared a wagon. Eight families shared a cultivator. Six families shared a plow” (note 7).

9. MCC financial support for the maintenance of the refugees for the first years amounted to 20 Guaraní (about $6.00 US) per month per family; of this amount 3 Guaraní per month was deducted and designated for common c
olony projects and expenses, including roads, schools, a first-aid station in Neu-Halbstadt and later for the wages of the colony manager, teachers, and the first wagon for the settlers’ committee (note 8).

Settling a refugee family is expensive. Those families who benefited—like my own—owe a huge debt of gratitude to all of the above. As one observer noted, this was only possible because “a sense of a cooperative common life which had developed over centuries” (note 9). Other accounts recall the almost “limitless willingness to assist one another,” a strong “spirit of unity”—and of course the singing that also marked those early years (note 10).


            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Edgar Stoesz and Muriel T. Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness. Mennonite Communities in the Paraguayan Chaco, 1927–1997 (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1999), 75. Another calculation: “Total cost of the movement including transportation, down payment on land purchases, equipment and maintenance up to November 30, 1947, was $549,335.17. Of this amount $160,000 was paid by the Intergovernmental Committee for Refugees and the balance was covered by gifts and loans of the North America Mennonite brotherhood through Mennonite Resettlement finance” (Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus [Altona, MB: Friesen, 1962], 381).

Note 2a: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/lengua-indigenous-people-of-gran-chaco.html

Note 2b: J. Winfield Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay: The Story of Mennonite Colonization in South America (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1953), 42f. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001448782.

Note 3: Stoesz and Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness, 77.

Note 4: Marlene Epp, Women without Men: Mennonite Refugees of the Second World War (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 96, https://archive.org/details/womenwithoutmenm0000eppm.

Note 5: Walter Regehr, ed., 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 1947–1972 (Karlsruhe: Schneider, 1972), 33.

Note 6: Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 21f.

Note 7: Stoesz and Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness, 90. In 1948, the 538 farms in Neuland had only 65 ploughs, 24 cultivators and 45 wagons (Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay, 45f.).

Note 8: Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 22f.

Note 9: Herbert Klassen and Maureen Klassen, Ambassador to his People: C. F. Klassen and the Russian Mennonite Refugees (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 1990), 154f., https://archive.org/details/AmbassadorToHisPeopleOCRopt1.

Note 10: Heinrich Ratzlaff, Atlas der Siedlungsdörfer der Kolonie Neuland, 1947–1997 (Neu-Halbstadt, PY: Kolonieamt-Neuland, 1996), 2.

Pics: from W. Regehr, ed., 25 Jahre Neuland.

For MCC video,

1970's version with Peter Dyck retelling the story in three parts:

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an inf...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

"Anti-Menno" Communist: David J. Penner (1904-1993)

The most outspoken early “Mennonite communist”—or better, “Anti-Menno” communist—was David Johann Penner, b. 1904. Penner was the son of a Chortitza teacher and had grown up Mennonite Brethren in Millerovo, with five religious services per week ( note 1 )! In 1930 with Stalin firmly in power, Penner pseudonymously penned the booklet entitled Anti-Menno ( note 2 ). While his attack was bitter, his criticisms offer a well-informed, plausible window on Mennonite life—albeit biased and with no intention for reform. He is a ethnic Mennonite writing to other Mennonites. Penner offers multiple examples of how the Mennonite clergy in particular—but also deacons, choir conductors, Sunday School teachers, leaders of youth or women’s circles—aligned themselves with the exploitative interests of industry and wealth. Extreme prosperity for Mennonite industrialists and large landowners was achieved with low wages and the poverty of their Russian /Ukrainian workers, according to Penner. Though t...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

The Flight to Moscow 1929

In 1926, my grandfather’s sister Justina Fast (b. 1896) and her husband Peter Görzen moved from Krassikow, Neu Samara (Soviet Union) to village no. 5 Dejewka, Orenburg. “We thought we would live our lives here with our children secure in the hands of God. But the times were becoming turbulent,” Justina recalled. In May 1929 they travelled back to Krassikow for Pentecost to visit with her mother, brothers and their families. But when they returned to their home, she writes, “… a large quota of grain was demanded of us. But we had nothing, and the harvest was not yet in. Then we heard that many were planning to move to Canada, including my three siblings with my mother, and my husband's three sisters too. My husband decided to go to Moscow first to see if it was possible and what was required for emigration. We made the decision to leave when the harvest was complete. At that time so many people were leaving [for Moscow], and early in September we sold everything we had. Only the b...

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

Molotschna's 50th Anniversary Celebration Plans, 1854

There is no mention of this celebrative event in Hildebrand’s Chronologischer Zeittafel, no report in the newly launched Prussian church paper Mennonitische Blätter , or in the Unterhaltungsblatt for German colonists in South Russia. But plans to celebrate five decades of Mennonite settlement on the Molotschna River were well underway in 1853; detailed draft notes for the event are found in the Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive ( note 1 ). Perhaps most importantly the file includes the list of names of the first settlers in each of the first nine Molotschna villages (est. 1804). While each village had been mandated a few years earlier to write its own village history ( note 2; pics ), eight of these nine did not list their first settler families by name. The lists with the male family heads are attached below. By 1854 Molotoschna’s population had increased to about 17,000; more than half of those living in the original nine villages were landless Anwohner ( note 3 ). Celeb...