Skip to main content

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. …

"Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." Catherine II (Note 1)

“We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds of manufacturing, plants, and various installations.” Catherine II, 1763 Manifesto, Preface.

Catherine the Great’s Manifesto of July 22, 1763 initiated a mass migration of foreign settlers to the Russian Empire. But the lands of New Russia were not exactly empty. The region was settled by Ukrainians in several waves, and what became the governorates of Ekaterinoslav and Kherson had some 50,000 inhabitants by the mid-1700s, including some 11,000 Zaporozhian Cossacks. The main threat to settlement were the nomadic Nogai/Tartars, of which some 12,000 were persuaded to take Russian citizenship after 1770. The 1782 census recorded about 200,000 males in New Russia. With the conquest of Crimea in 1774, the migration of many Tatars to the Turkish Ottoman empire after the war, and the dissolution of the semi-autonomous Zaporozhian Sich (see Chortitza Island), Catherine had made New Russia more attractive for colonization (note 2).

Catherine’s 1763 Manifesto inviting colonists to New Russia was not welcome everywhere in Europe (they were in competition for colonists), but it did appear in newspapers in England, Scotland, Ireland, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, Holland, the German Free Cities, and in certain small German states.

See attached pics (note 3) of English and German versions.

The Manifesto outlined specific incentives as well as rights and privileges that were available for any groups interested in settlement in New Russia—except Jews--and it was the basis for most of the privileges Mennonite land scouts Höppner and Bartsch negotiated thirteen years later (the law also changed for Jews; note 4).

Like most rulers of her day, the empress was convinced by the economic theory that assumed that the wealth of a monarch was proportionate to the number of subjects (note 5). The urgent task to create new secure, commercially viable and vibrant urban centres and productive agricultural settlements in the newly won lands around the Black Sea was pursued vigorously; notably Russia's own peasant serfs were deemed unable to “perform a rapid civilizing function” (note 6).

Because of national unrest, economic hardship, pockets of religious discrimination and natural disasters throughout parts of Western Europe, many were willing to consider new beginnings. Russian runaway serfs and deserters were free to return without penalty (note 7), and even a colony of English convicts offered up for deportation was considered by Gregory Potemkin, Catherine’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia (note 8).

This generous Manifesto became the basis for the development of colonization in Russia up to the reforms of 1871, and offered all immigrants the following (summary):

1. The right to settle in any part of the country and to pursue any occupation.

2. Free board and transportation from the Russian border to the place of settlement, with travel money. Free living quarters for half a year, and "free, productive land in colonies and rural areas" (note 9).

3. Free and unrestricted practice of one’s religion according to the precepts of one's church. To those who intend to establish colonies on uninhabited lands, the freedom to build and control their own churches, but not to establish monasteries. An oath of allegiance can be made “in accordance with one’s religious rite.”

4. The freedom to proselytize Russia’s Muslims, “to win them over and make them subject to the Christian religion in a decent way,” but "under no condition whatsoever to proselytize among other Christian subjects [i.e., Russian Orthodox], under pain of incurring the severest punishment of Our law.”

5. Exemption from the payment of taxes for a varying period of time (depending upon the place of settlement and type of occupation) and freedom from billeting troops.

6. Ten-year, interest free loans for building dwellings and for purchasing livestock and equipment for agriculture and industry.

7. The right of local self-government for those who establish agricultural communities, "in such a way that the persons placed in authority by Us will not interfere with the internal affairs and institutions" [e.g., schools]. “In other respects the colonists will be liable to Our civil laws. However, in the event that the people would wish to have a special guardian or even an officer with a detachment of disciplined soldiers for the sake of security and defense, this wish would also be granted."

8. The right to import free of duty family belongings as well as goods for sale up to a certain amount.

9. Exempt from military draft or the civil service in perpetuity. “Only after the lapse of the years of tax-exemption can they be required to provide labor service for the country.”

10. Freedom to establish market days and annual market fairs tax free;

11. Freedom to emigrate, though obligated to remit a portion of the assets acquired in Russia;

12. The privileges shall be enjoyed not only by immigrants, but also their children and descendants.

13. Provision to negotiate for other privileges or conditions besides those already stated. “We shall not hesitate to resolve the matter in such a way that the petitioner's confidence in Our love of justice will not be disappointed.”

Following the latter option, Mennonites sent their own delegates to Russia 1786-87 to inspect lands and negotiate more specific terms with the government (note 10).

Russia successfully attracted a range of ethnic settlers, including other Germans, Moldavians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Armenians, Greeks, Serbs, Corsicans, and Swedes.

The first reports on Russia came to Prussian Mennonites from a small group of Hutterites who fled Austria for New Russia in 1770; in 1783 one of their ministers visited and reported positively on their situation on an estate owned by a Russian General, Baron Pyotr Rumyantsev (note 11). During the Seven Years War (ending 1763), Rumyantsev had apparently been so impressed with the Mennonite agricultural achievements in the Vistula Delta—to where the Russian army withdrew annually for winter billeting—that he recommended them to the Empress for a special settlement contract on the steppes of New Russia (note 12).

Russia’s immigration schemes however were costly and mostly unsuccessful. Roger Bartlett—considered an authority in these matters by people like James Urry and David G. Rempel—does however note that the Mennonites were the exception.

“The great hopes laid upon foreign settlement ... were, however, only partially realized. The cost of Catherine’s and Potemkin’s operations, both in financial and administrative terms, was enormous, and cannot be said to have justified itself fully either in the numbers or the quality of the settlers. ... And the undoubted skill and industry of the best foreign settlers passed only to a limited extent to their neighbours. Neither the social and economic conditions of rural Russia, nor the usually exclusive way of life of the Western and other foreign colonists, was conducive to a wide-ranging dissemination of new techniques. But at a more realistic, local level, some positive results were nonetheless achieved. New subjects were drawn into the Empire, and some settlements, notably Sarepta on the Volga and the Mennonite colonies of New Russia, became famous as centres of culture and of technical and agricultural skills. They had a clear educative effect upon their immediate environment. If not on the grand scale, some at least of the hopes of Catherine and her followers were fulfilled.” (Note 13)

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Empress Catherine II, cited in Grigorii G. Pisarevskii, Izbrannye proizvedenija po istorii inostrannoj kolonizacii v Rossii [Selected works on the history of foreign colonization in Russia], edited by I.V. Cherkazyanova (Moscow: ICSU, 2011), https://bibliothek.rusdeutsch.ru/catalog/860.

Note 2: Dmytro Myeshkov, Die Schwarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten: 1781–1871 (Essen: Klartext, 2008), 270f.

Note 3:1763 Manifesto, English flyer pic: https://bkdr.de/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Enladungsmanifest_Katharina_2_1763_auf_englisch-a_MIT-WASSERZEICHEN.png; full English text: https://www.norkarussia.info/catherines-manifesto-1763.html; German flyer pic: https://russlanddeutsche-hessen.de/resources/thumb/71a212d6d3632c586046751f54ecd376a3ef1be0_Manifest_Katharina.jpg; full German text: http://www.russlanddeutschegeschichte.de/geschichte/teil1/abwerbung/manifest22.htm; also in D. H. Epp, Die Chortitzer Mennoniten. Versuch einer Darstellung des Entwicklungsganges derselben (Odessa, 1889), ch. 1.1, https://chort.square7.ch/Dok/Epp.pdf. For the texts of two much shorter manifestos from 1762, cf. Otto Teigeler, Die Herrnhuter in Russland (Göttingen: Vandenhoek, 2006), 293n-294n, https://books.google.ca/books?id=FLiZ5jyM16gC&lpg=PA293&ots=Dh9QamYi2A&dq=katharina%204.%20Dezember%201762&pg=PA293#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 5: See Pisarevskii, Izbrannye proizvedenija; Roger Bartlett, “Foreign Settlement in Russia under Catherine II,” New Zealand Slavonic Journal, no. 1 (1974): 1-22; idem, “Her Imperial Majesty’s Director and Curator of the Mennonite Colonies in Russia: Three Letters of Georg Trappe,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 12 (1994) 45–64; 49, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/411/411.

Note 5: Cf. Myeshkov, Die Schwarzmeerdeutschen, 271f.

Note 6: David G. Rempel, “The Mennonite Migration to New Russia (1787–1870): I. The Colonization Policy of Catherine II. and Alexander I,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 9, no. 2 (April 1935) 71–91; 71. See Rempel's classic study: “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia. A study of their settlement and economic development from 1789–1914,” PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 1933. https://archive.org/details/themennonitecoloniesinnewrussiaastudyoftheirsettlementandeconomicdevelopmentfrom1789to1914ocr.

Note 7: Decree, October 1762, written in Catherine’s own hand, cited in Bilbassoff, Geschichte Katharina II, II, 277; 280f; cf. Rempel, “Mennonite Migration to New Russia (I),” 73, 75. On Jews, cf. Myeshkov, Die Schwarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten, 271f.

Note 8: Cf. Bartlett, “Foreign Settlement in Russia under Catherine II,” 15.

Note 9: In 1764 further policies about land (how much), ownership (vested in colony commune, not the individual), and inheritance were drawn up. See the important summary in Rempel, “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia," 102ff.

Note 10: For the unique 1787 Mennonite privileges negotiated by land scouts Höppner and Bartsch, see Lawrence Klippenstein, "The Bartsch-Hoeppner Privilegium," Preservings (2020), 39-41f., https://www.plettfoundation.org/files/preservings/Preservings41.pdf. For an English translation of the final "Charter of Privileges Granted to the Mennonites on 1 September, 1800," see Rempel, “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia," Appendix II.

Note 11: Heinrich Donner and Johann Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik, transcribed by Werner Janzen, 2010), 29, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/cong_303/ok63/orlofferfeldechronik.html.

Note 12: John Keep, “The Russian Army in the Seven Years War,” in The Military and Society in Russia: 1450–1917, edited by Eric Lohr and Marshall Poe, 197–220 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 205; 218. Heinrich Heese et al., “Das Chortitzer Mennonitengebiet 1848. Kurzgefasste geschichtliche Übersicht der Gründung und des Bestehens der Kolonien des Chortitzer Mennonitenbezirkes,” https://chortitza.org/Ber1848.html#Eg.  

Note 13: Bartlett, “Foreign Settlement in Russia under Catherine II,” 16. See Bartlett's larger volume: Human Capital. The Settlement of Foreigners in Russia 1762–1804 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). See James Urry, Mennonites, Politics, and Peoplehood: Europe—Russia—Canada, 1525 to 1980 (Winnipeg, MB: University of Manitoba Press, 2006), 85-89.





Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948. The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” ( note 1 ). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God. In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth ...