Skip to main content

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. …

"Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." Catherine II (Note 1)

“We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds of manufacturing, plants, and various installations.” Catherine II, 1763 Manifesto, Preface.

Catherine the Great’s Manifesto of July 22, 1763 initiated a mass migration of foreign settlers to the Russian Empire. But the lands of New Russia were not exactly empty. The region was settled by Ukrainians in several waves, and what became the governorates of Ekaterinoslav and Kherson had some 50,000 inhabitants by the mid-1700s, including some 11,000 Zaporozhian Cossacks. The main threat to settlement were the nomadic Nogai/Tartars, of which some 12,000 were persuaded to take Russian citizenship after 1770. The 1782 census recorded about 200,000 males in New Russia. With the conquest of Crimea in 1774, the migration of many Tatars to the Turkish Ottoman empire after the war, and the dissolution of the semi-autonomous Zaporozhian Sich (see Chortitza Island), Catherine had made New Russia more attractive for colonization (note 2).

Catherine’s 1763 Manifesto inviting colonists to New Russia was not welcome everywhere in Europe (they were in competition for colonists), but it did appear in newspapers in England, Scotland, Ireland, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, Holland, the German Free Cities, and in certain small German states.

See attached pics (note 3) of English and German versions.

The Manifesto outlined specific incentives as well as rights and privileges that were available for any groups interested in settlement in New Russia—except Jews--and it was the basis for most of the privileges Mennonite land scouts Höppner and Bartsch negotiated thirteen years later (the law also changed for Jews; note 4).

Like most rulers of her day, the empress was convinced by the economic theory that assumed that the wealth of a monarch was proportionate to the number of subjects (note 5). The urgent task to create new secure, commercially viable and vibrant urban centres and productive agricultural settlements in the newly won lands around the Black Sea was pursued vigorously; notably Russia's own peasant serfs were deemed unable to “perform a rapid civilizing function” (note 6).

Because of national unrest, economic hardship, pockets of religious discrimination and natural disasters throughout parts of Western Europe, many were willing to consider new beginnings. Russian runaway serfs and deserters were free to return without penalty (note 7), and even a colony of English convicts offered up for deportation was considered by Gregory Potemkin, Catherine’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia (note 8).

This generous Manifesto became the basis for the development of colonization in Russia up to the reforms of 1871, and offered all immigrants the following (summary):

1. The right to settle in any part of the country and to pursue any occupation.

2. Free board and transportation from the Russian border to the place of settlement, with travel money. Free living quarters for half a year, and "free, productive land in colonies and rural areas" (note 9).

3. Free and unrestricted practice of one’s religion according to the precepts of one's church. To those who intend to establish colonies on uninhabited lands, the freedom to build and control their own churches, but not to establish monasteries. An oath of allegiance can be made “in accordance with one’s religious rite.”

4. The freedom to proselytize Russia’s Muslims, “to win them over and make them subject to the Christian religion in a decent way,” but "under no condition whatsoever to proselytize among other Christian subjects [i.e., Russian Orthodox], under pain of incurring the severest punishment of Our law.”

5. Exemption from the payment of taxes for a varying period of time (depending upon the place of settlement and type of occupation) and freedom from billeting troops.

6. Ten-year, interest free loans for building dwellings and for purchasing livestock and equipment for agriculture and industry.

7. The right of local self-government for those who establish agricultural communities, "in such a way that the persons placed in authority by Us will not interfere with the internal affairs and institutions" [e.g., schools]. “In other respects the colonists will be liable to Our civil laws. However, in the event that the people would wish to have a special guardian or even an officer with a detachment of disciplined soldiers for the sake of security and defense, this wish would also be granted."

8. The right to import free of duty family belongings as well as goods for sale up to a certain amount.

9. Exempt from military draft or the civil service in perpetuity. “Only after the lapse of the years of tax-exemption can they be required to provide labor service for the country.”

10. Freedom to establish market days and annual market fairs tax free;

11. Freedom to emigrate, though obligated to remit a portion of the assets acquired in Russia;

12. The privileges shall be enjoyed not only by immigrants, but also their children and descendants.

13. Provision to negotiate for other privileges or conditions besides those already stated. “We shall not hesitate to resolve the matter in such a way that the petitioner's confidence in Our love of justice will not be disappointed.”

Following the latter option, Mennonites sent their own delegates to Russia 1786-87 to inspect lands and negotiate more specific terms with the government (note 10).

Russia successfully attracted a range of ethnic settlers, including other Germans, Moldavians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Armenians, Greeks, Serbs, Corsicans, and Swedes.

The first reports on Russia came to Prussian Mennonites from a small group of Hutterites who fled Austria for New Russia in 1770; in 1783 one of their ministers visited and reported positively on their situation on an estate owned by a Russian General, Baron Pyotr Rumyantsev (note 11). During the Seven Years War (ending 1763), Rumyantsev had apparently been so impressed with the Mennonite agricultural achievements in the Vistula Delta—to where the Russian army withdrew annually for winter billeting—that he recommended them to the Empress for a special settlement contract on the steppes of New Russia (note 12).

Russia’s immigration schemes however were costly and mostly unsuccessful. Roger Bartlett—considered an authority in these matters by people like James Urry and David G. Rempel—does however note that the Mennonites were the exception.

“The great hopes laid upon foreign settlement ... were, however, only partially realized. The cost of Catherine’s and Potemkin’s operations, both in financial and administrative terms, was enormous, and cannot be said to have justified itself fully either in the numbers or the quality of the settlers. ... And the undoubted skill and industry of the best foreign settlers passed only to a limited extent to their neighbours. Neither the social and economic conditions of rural Russia, nor the usually exclusive way of life of the Western and other foreign colonists, was conducive to a wide-ranging dissemination of new techniques. But at a more realistic, local level, some positive results were nonetheless achieved. New subjects were drawn into the Empire, and some settlements, notably Sarepta on the Volga and the Mennonite colonies of New Russia, became famous as centres of culture and of technical and agricultural skills. They had a clear educative effect upon their immediate environment. If not on the grand scale, some at least of the hopes of Catherine and her followers were fulfilled.” (Note 13)

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Empress Catherine II, cited in Grigorii G. Pisarevskii, Izbrannye proizvedenija po istorii inostrannoj kolonizacii v Rossii [Selected works on the history of foreign colonization in Russia], edited by I.V. Cherkazyanova (Moscow: ICSU, 2011), https://bibliothek.rusdeutsch.ru/catalog/860.

Note 2: Dmytro Myeshkov, Die Schwarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten: 1781–1871 (Essen: Klartext, 2008), 270f.

Note 3:1763 Manifesto, English flyer pic: https://bkdr.de/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Enladungsmanifest_Katharina_2_1763_auf_englisch-a_MIT-WASSERZEICHEN.png; full English text: https://www.norkarussia.info/catherines-manifesto-1763.html; German flyer pic: https://russlanddeutsche-hessen.de/resources/thumb/71a212d6d3632c586046751f54ecd376a3ef1be0_Manifest_Katharina.jpg; full German text: http://www.russlanddeutschegeschichte.de/geschichte/teil1/abwerbung/manifest22.htm; also in D. H. Epp, Die Chortitzer Mennoniten. Versuch einer Darstellung des Entwicklungsganges derselben (Odessa, 1889), ch. 1.1, https://chort.square7.ch/Dok/Epp.pdf. For the texts of two much shorter manifestos from 1762, cf. Otto Teigeler, Die Herrnhuter in Russland (Göttingen: Vandenhoek, 2006), 293n-294n, https://books.google.ca/books?id=FLiZ5jyM16gC&lpg=PA293&ots=Dh9QamYi2A&dq=katharina%204.%20Dezember%201762&pg=PA293#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 5: See Pisarevskii, Izbrannye proizvedenija; Roger Bartlett, “Foreign Settlement in Russia under Catherine II,” New Zealand Slavonic Journal, no. 1 (1974): 1-22; idem, “Her Imperial Majesty’s Director and Curator of the Mennonite Colonies in Russia: Three Letters of Georg Trappe,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 12 (1994) 45–64; 49, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/411/411.

Note 5: Cf. Myeshkov, Die Schwarzmeerdeutschen, 271f.

Note 6: David G. Rempel, “The Mennonite Migration to New Russia (1787–1870): I. The Colonization Policy of Catherine II. and Alexander I,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 9, no. 2 (April 1935) 71–91; 71. See Rempel's classic study: “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia. A study of their settlement and economic development from 1789–1914,” PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 1933. https://archive.org/details/themennonitecoloniesinnewrussiaastudyoftheirsettlementandeconomicdevelopmentfrom1789to1914ocr.

Note 7: Decree, October 1762, written in Catherine’s own hand, cited in Bilbassoff, Geschichte Katharina II, II, 277; 280f; cf. Rempel, “Mennonite Migration to New Russia (I),” 73, 75. On Jews, cf. Myeshkov, Die Schwarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten, 271f.

Note 8: Cf. Bartlett, “Foreign Settlement in Russia under Catherine II,” 15.

Note 9: In 1764 further policies about land (how much), ownership (vested in colony commune, not the individual), and inheritance were drawn up. See the important summary in Rempel, “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia," 102ff.

Note 10: For the unique 1787 Mennonite privileges negotiated by land scouts Höppner and Bartsch, see Lawrence Klippenstein, "The Bartsch-Hoeppner Privilegium," Preservings (2020), 39-41f., https://www.plettfoundation.org/files/preservings/Preservings41.pdf. For an English translation of the final "Charter of Privileges Granted to the Mennonites on 1 September, 1800," see Rempel, “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia," Appendix II.

Note 11: Heinrich Donner and Johann Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik, transcribed by Werner Janzen, 2010), 29, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/cong_303/ok63/orlofferfeldechronik.html.

Note 12: John Keep, “The Russian Army in the Seven Years War,” in The Military and Society in Russia: 1450–1917, edited by Eric Lohr and Marshall Poe, 197–220 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 205; 218. Heinrich Heese et al., “Das Chortitzer Mennonitengebiet 1848. Kurzgefasste geschichtliche Übersicht der Gründung und des Bestehens der Kolonien des Chortitzer Mennonitenbezirkes,” https://chortitza.org/Ber1848.html#Eg.  

Note 13: Bartlett, “Foreign Settlement in Russia under Catherine II,” 16. See Bartlett's larger volume: Human Capital. The Settlement of Foreigners in Russia 1762–1804 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). See James Urry, Mennonites, Politics, and Peoplehood: Europe—Russia—Canada, 1525 to 1980 (Winnipeg, MB: University of Manitoba Press, 2006), 85-89.





Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the

“Operation Chortitza” – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44 (Part I)

In October 1943, some 3,900 Mennonite resettlers from “Operation Chortitza” entered the Gau of Danzig-West Prussia. They were transported by train via Litzmannstadt and brought to temporary camps in Neustadt (Danzig), Preußisch Stargard (Konradstein), Konitz, Kulm on the Vistula, Thorn and some smaller localities ( note 1 ). The Gau received over 11,000 resettlers from the German-occupied east zones in 1943. Before October some 3,000 were transferred from these temporary camps for permanent resettlement in order to make room for "Operation Chortitza" ( note 2 ). By January 1, 1944 there were 5,473 resettlers in the Danzig-West Prussian camps (majority Mennonite); one month later that number had almost doubled ( note 3 ). "Operation Chortitza" as it was dubbed was part of a much larger movement “welcoming” hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans “back home” after generations in the east. Hitler’s larger plan was to reorganize peoples in Europe by race, to separate

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown,

"Anti-Menno" Communist: David J. Penner (1904-1993)

The most outspoken early “Mennonite communist”—or better, “Anti-Menno” communist—was David Johann Penner, b. 1904. Penner was the son of a Chortitza teacher and had grown up Mennonite Brethren in Millerovo, with five religious services per week ( note 1 )! In 1930 with Stalin firmly in power, Penner pseudonymously penned the booklet entitled Anti-Menno ( note 2 ). While his attack was bitter, his criticisms offer a well-informed, plausible window on Mennonite life—albeit biased and with no intention for reform. He is a ethnic Mennonite writing to other Mennonites. Penner offers multiple examples of how the Mennonite clergy in particular—but also deacons, choir conductors, Sunday School teachers, leaders of youth or women’s circles—aligned themselves with the exploitative interests of industry and wealth. Extreme prosperity for Mennonite industrialists and large landowners was achieved with low wages and the poverty of their Russian /Ukrainian workers, according to Penner. Though t

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and

Mennonite Heritage Week in Canada and the Russländer Centenary (2023)

In 2019, the Canadian Parliament declared the second week in September as “Mennonite Heritage Week.” The bill and statements of support recognized the contributions of Mennonites to Canadian society ( note 1 ). 2019 also marked the centenary of a Canadian Order in Council which, at their time of greatest need, classified Mennonites as an “undesirable” immigrant group: “… because, owing to their peculiar customs, habits, modes of living and methods of holding property, they are not likely to become readily assimilated or to assume the duties and responsibilities of Canadian citizenship within a reasonable time.” ( Pic ) With a change of government, this order was rescinded in 1922 and the doors opened for some 23,000 Mennonites to immigrate from the Soviet Union to Canada. The attached archival image of the Order in Council hangs on the office wall of Canadian Senator Peter Harder—a Russländer descendant. 2023 marks the centennial of the arrival of the first Russländer immigrant groups

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an influen

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

Blessed are the Shoe-Makers: Brief History of Lost Soles

A collection of simple artefacts like shoes can open windows onto the life and story of a people. Below are a few observations about shoes and boots, or the lack thereof, and their connection to the social and cultural history of Russian Mennonites. Curiously Mennonites arrived in New Russia shoe poor in 1789, and were evacuated as shoe poor in 1943 as when their ancestors arrived--and there are many stories in between. The poverty of the first Flemish elder in Chortitza Bernhard Penner was so great that he had only his home-made Bastelschuhe in which to serve the Lord’s Supper. “[Consequently] four of the participating brethren banded together to buy him a pair of boots which one of the [Land] delegates, Bartsch, made for him. The poor community desired with all its heart to partake of the holy sacrament, but when they remembered the solemnity of these occasions in their former homeland, where they dressed in their Sunday best, there was loud sobbing.” ( Note 1 ) In the 1802 C