Skip to main content

"Should Holy Baptism be offered to Deaf-Mutes (1886)?”

In 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the following resolution: “A deaf-mute who desires Holy Baptism may be baptized, providing he is not an idiot (blödsinnig), and an understanding of baptism is first introduced to him as far as possible” (note 1).

A. G. Ambarzumov, a Protestant Armenian who had been trained in Germany and Switzerland for teaching the deaf, started a small initiative in the Mennonite “Molotschna Settlement” in Ukraine/South Russia in the 1870s. After a difficult start, benefactors in the Molotschna embraced the idea of a larger institution for the deaf—the first such institution in South Russia--especially because of the demonstrable results produced in the lives of students.

“After only four months, Herr Ambarzumov could demonstrate encouraging results; the students were able to pronounce almost all vowels and consonants and speak and write some words" (note 2).

The institution's name--"Mary School for the Deaf" (Marien-Taubstummenschule) was chosen to commemorate the silver anniversary of the reign of Alexander II, and as a demonstration of Mennonite loyalty and willingness to contribute to the state. Alexander's wife was the German-bashing, Danish-born Russian Empress Maria Fjodorowna.

Similar training schools for the deaf were established during this time in England, Germany and the USA. For those motivated by faith “it was justified as providing access to the New Testament, the path of salvation,” equivalent to the “education of the ‘savages’ of the New World” (note 3). The private initiative in Molotschna was officially transferred to the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia in 1884 under the oversight of the Molotschna Mennonite School Board.

After a second, well-attended public examination of deaf students in the Ohrloff Mennonite Church in 1886, “those who to this point had doubted the possibility that deaf-mutes could learn anything, were now convinced on the basis of these achievements" (note 4).

That same month in 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the resolution above.

In 1905, its director proudly reported on three graduates ready for faith and life, who “now understand wherefore they live and recognize their responsibilities to God and their neighbour, and that one day they too will have to give an account before God for all they do or leave undone” (note 5). That year the school prepared for a fourth class of ten students—almost all from the larger Mennonite community.

What was the thinking of the times? 

If persons can understand the gospel and also understand the call to discipleship, then they are "accountable," and need to/can make a decision for faith and baptism, or not. Until then Mennonites would have assumed that "deaf-mutes" cannot hear the gospel, they cannot read the New Testament, they cannot articulate a confession of their faith in word or in writing, and so they are like children--under God's care, of course, but not accountable for a decision of faith, for which a request to be baptized is the sign.

Notably in traditional Mennonite inheritance practice, deaf-mutes, as well as epileptics, the intellectually disabled, physically handicapped and the blind traditionally received a double-inheritance (note 6).

Addendum

Fast forward some decades. Mennonites lost control of all social institutions after the 1918 Communist Revolution, but the school remained a school for the deaf. These children however were murdered during German occupation. Ben Stobbe writes in his travel blog (2017):

 “On the way to Tiege in the Orlovo area, we passed the memorial monument to the 131 deaf and mute children who were killed by the Nazis in WWII. It is a tribute to Ukrainians in this area in that they wanted a monument to remember the children. At the top of this monument is a bell that rings in the wind. Etched around and near top of the monument are children's faces. The chiming bell reminds us of the children.” (Note 7)

This is consistent with what we know otherwise about the Nazi regime: those born deaf were categorized as “defective” and “biologically inferior human material” and typically sterilized. Schools for the deaf were considered a product of Christian sentimentality in which “the greater the degree of idiocy, feeblemindedness, blindness, deafness or other physical handicap was, the greater the public expenditure for these biologically inferior people” (note 8). The singular goal of the Nazi "genetic health policy" was “to give back and maintain the health, resilience, and performance capacity of the German Volk”—and “no clear and rationally thinking fellow German national has ever doubted the legitimacy of racial legislation,” according to a rationale published for the ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche) in the Nazi paper read by Mennonites in Ukraine. The policy “has resulted not only in an increased birth rate and a considerable decline in unsuitable elements, but has also impacted, among other things, the crime statistics,” according to the unnamed author (note 9).

But for at least four decades Mennonites in Russia had embraced these so-called weaknesses as important for them as an Anabaptist-Mennonite community. On her death bed in 1884, the unwed estate heiress Helene Schröder willed 6,000 rubles to help establish the Mary School for the Deaf, 6,000 rubles to secure the future of the Ohrlof High School Library, and 6,000 to overseas mission (note 10).

Follow the money: passion for education, charitable work (“inner mission”), and foreign mission were all connected, and marked the self-identity and sense of worth of the larger Mennonite community in this era—including the baptism of those formerly thought to be blödsinnig.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Heinrich Ediger, ed., Beschlüsse der von den geistlichen und anderen Vertretern der Mennonitengemeinden Rußlands abgehaltenen Konferenzen für die Jahren 1879 bis 1913 (Berdjansk: Ediger, 1914), 21, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Buch/MJ/MK1.pdf.

Note 2: Abraham Görz, “Kurzgefaßter Bericht über die Marienschule für Taubstumme in Blumenort in Südrußland,” in H. G. Mannhardt, ed., Jahrbuch der Altevangelischen Taufgesinnten oder Mennoniten-Gemeinden, 143–147 (Danzig, 1888), 145, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ok5FAQAAMAAJ&dq&fbclid. For more background information, cf. Margarita Dick, "'Marien- Taubstummenschule' in Tiege, Molotschna," https://chortitza.org/Buch/MDick.pdf.

Note 3: Jan Branson and Don Miller, Damned for their Difference. The Cultural Construction of Deaf People as ‘Disabled’ (Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press, 2002), 125f., https://books.google.ca/books?id=KBaFchM0dowC&dq.

Note 4: Görz, “Kurzgefaßter Bericht über die Marienschule für Taubstumme," 145.

Note 5: Johann Wiebe, “Werte Freunde!” Report, School for the Deaf, Tiege, July 1905. In Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive, file 3450, reel 75. From Robarts Library, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON.

Note 6: Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 809, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/page/n845.

Note 7: From http://benstobbe.blogspot.com/2017/05/. One Mennonite doctor participated in the requested examination of these children before their killing; cf .Dmytro Myeshkov, “Mennonites in Ukraine before, during, and immediately after the Second World War,” in European Mennonites and the Holocaust, edited by Mark Jantzen and John D. Thiesen (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020), 217f.

Note 8: Karl Lietz, “The Place of the School for the Deaf in the New Reich,” in Deaf People in Hitler’s Europe, edited by Donna F. Ryan and John S. Schuchman, 114–120 (Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press, 2002), 117, https://books.google.ca/books?id=8d56MtJWQ7sC&dq

Note 9: “Schutz gegen Volkszerfall,” Ukraine Post, no. 8 (February 27, 1943), 4, https://libraria.ua/en/numbers/878/32422/.

Note 10: See editorial note (attached) to “Drei Landgüter mennonitischer Gutsbesitzer,” Mennonitische Rundschau (January 28, 1885), 2n., https://chortitza.org/kb/eklas114.pdf.  




Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Quiet in the Land: Peter Fast, 1932-2010

My father Peter Fast passed away in January 2010. The years have given me many opportunities to reflect on his life and impact. He was a gentle and good person--and could work like horse. He was born into poverty in 1932 in Paraguay. His parents were pioneers, first in Fernheim and then (1937) in Friesland. He liked to tell me that he ate manioc root for breakfast, lunch and dinner. I was never sure if that was true, and it didn’t help to convince me to eat things I didn’t like. His mother died when he was fourteen; the basic medical aid she needed was out of reach. His new step-mother was a complex person who made life difficult for him and others. Dad only finished the 6th grade in Friesland. He was more than happy to get off the school bench and onto a horse. I don’t think I ever saw him write a complete sentence in my life, whether in English or in German. He had no interest in history, let alone reading—though over time he read the local city paper. Nothing I’ve written on...

The Selbstschutz (Self-Defence Units) and Benjamin H. Unruh

Abram Kröker, editor of the Molotschna (South Russia/ Ukraine) -based Mennonite Friedensstimme , wrote that Mennonites are “predestined to foreshadow … even in an imperfect way, the great peace among nations in the Thousand-Year-Reign [of Christ].” And among all denominations, “it has pleased God,” according to Kröker, to “present and manifest” through the Mennonites this “pearl of evangelical truth gained at great cost by our fathers” ( note 1 ). And it is because of this theological hope and inheritance that “our youth are raised differently,” Kröker reminded his readers; “not military bravery or fighting are presented as the highest civic virtues, but rather sacrifice, suffering and renunciation for the sake of others. In all our schools, non-resistance is explicitly taught and impressed [upon students] according to the Mennonite catechism” ( note 2 ). But taking up arms in self-defence was nuanced differently by his colleague and influential 37-year-old teacher and theologian Benja...

A-Cases and O-Cases. After the Trek, 1944

Some 35,000 Mennonites evacuated from Ukraine by the retreating Reich German military in 1943-44 applied for naturalization /citizenship once in German-annexed Poland (mostly Warthegau). The applications made through the “EWZ” ( Einwandererzentralstelle ) are easy to attain today ( note 1 ). Much information may be new and useful for families; however just as much is disturbing, including the racial assessments, categorization, and separation of so-called “A-cases” from “O-cases.” What are they?  The EWZ files contain the application for naturalization made by the head of a family unit, the certificate of naturalization, and sometimes correspondence/ claims regarding property and possessions left behind in Ukraine. Each form contains information about the applicant’s spouse and children, as well as a genealogy listing parents and grandparents, and those of their spouse as well; racial background is calculated by percentage (!). Applicants were asked about their citizenship, their e...

Jews and Mennonites Together in Danzig's Suburbs

There has been very little reflection on the relationship of Jews and Mennonites in the suburb of Schottland (or Alt-Schottland or Stare Szkoty) where Mennonites first settled in the mid-1500s. Here Mennonites and Jews lived in the small community together for two centuries, quite literally on the margins outside the gates of the city of Danzig. Many historic maps that include Alt Schottland have become available in recent years ( note 1; pic ). H.G. Mannhardt’s book on the Danzig Mennonite church community plus some archival membership lists are our best sources for the Mennonite experience, while illustrations from the day bring many of those episodes of prosperity, repressions, war, plague, emigration, flooding etc. in an urban environment to life ( note 2 ). Peter J. Klassen’s writings on Mennonites in Poland and Prussia also present newer research on Mennonite life in and around Danzig in helpful ways ( note 3 ). There is one small sentence in Klassen’s larger volume that sugg...

"They are useful to the state." An almost forgotten Prussian view of Mennonites, ca. 1780s-90s

In 1787 Mennonite interest for emigration was extremely strong outside the quasi independent City of Danzig in the Prussian annexed Marienwerder and Elbing regions. Even before the land scouts Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner had returned from Russia later that year, so many Mennonite exit applications had flooded offices that officials wrote Berlin in August 1787 for direction ( note 1a ). Initially officials did not see a problem: because Mennonites do not provide soldiers, the cantons lose nothing by their departure, and in fact benefit from the ten-percent tax imposed on financial assets leaving the state.  Ludwig von Baczko (1756-1823), Professor of History at the Artillery Academy in Königsberg, East Prussia, was the general editor of a series that included a travelogue through Prussia written by a certain Karl Ephraim Nanke. Nanke had no special love for Mennonites, but was generally balanced in his judgements and based his now almost forgotten account of Mennonites on perso...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

The Politics of Map-Making: A "Mennonite Map"

Maps are political artifacts. Russia or Ukraine?  A late nineteenth-century map of “German Settlements and Presence throughout History” offers a good example from the Mennonite settlements ( note 1 ). It was based on the German Colonial Atlas of Paul Langhans ( note 2 ). Langhans was the most important mapmaker and promoter of German settlements around the globe; he continued this work of “pan-Germanism” well into the Nazi era ( note 3 ). Already in the nineteenth century, more than one Russian journalist claimed that Russian Germans—including Mennonites in Russia—promoted pan-Germanism in their schools and spread hatred against Russia ( note 4 ). The consequences on the ground were harsh: Johannes H. Janzen—a geography instructor in the Mennonite high school in Ohrloff—who was known “to love the Russian people and Fatherland more than most of his contemporaries,” was placed under “serious suspicion of treason” for an instructional map ( note 5 ) he made of the Molotschna Mennoni...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...