"Should Holy Baptism be offered to Deaf-Mutes (1886)?”

In 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the following resolution: “A deaf-mute who desires Holy Baptism may be baptized, providing he is not an idiot (blödsinnig), and an understanding of baptism is first introduced to him as far as possible” (note 1).

A. G. Ambarzumov, a Protestant Armenian who had been trained in Germany and Switzerland for teaching the deaf, started a small initiative in the Mennonite “Molotschna Settlement” in Ukraine/South Russia in the 1870s. After a difficult start, benefactors in the Molotschna embraced the idea of a larger institution for the deaf—the first such institution in South Russia--especially because of the demonstrable results produced in the lives of students.

“After only four months, Herr Ambarzumov could demonstrate encouraging results; the students were able to pronounce almost all vowels and consonants and speak and write some words" (note 2).

The institution's name--"Mary School for the Deaf" (Marien-Taubstummenschule) was chosen to commemorate the silver anniversary of the reign of Alexander II, and as a demonstration of Mennonite loyalty and willingness to contribute to the state. Alexander's wife was the German-bashing, Danish-born Russian Empress Maria Fjodorowna.

Similar training schools for the deaf were established during this time in England, Germany and the USA. For those motivated by faith “it was justified as providing access to the New Testament, the path of salvation,” equivalent to the “education of the ‘savages’ of the New World” (note 3). The private initiative in Molotschna was officially transferred to the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia in 1884 under the oversight of the Molotschna Mennonite School Board.

After a second, well-attended public examination of deaf students in the Ohrloff Mennonite Church in 1886, “those who to this point had doubted the possibility that deaf-mutes could learn anything, were now convinced on the basis of these achievements" (note 4).

That same month in 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the resolution above.

In 1905, its director proudly reported on three graduates ready for faith and life, who “now understand wherefore they live and recognize their responsibilities to God and their neighbour, and that one day they too will have to give an account before God for all they do or leave undone” (note 5). That year the school prepared for a fourth class of ten students—almost all from the larger Mennonite community.

What was the thinking of the times?

If persons can understand the gospel and also understand the call to discipleship, then they are "accountable," and need to/can make a decision for faith and baptism, or not. Until then Mennonites would have assumed that "deaf-mutes" cannot hear the gospel, they cannot read the New Testament, they cannot articulate a confession of their faith in word or in writing, and so they are like children--under God's care, of course, but not accountable for a decision of faith, for which a request to be baptized is the sign.

Notably in traditional Mennonite inheritance practice, deaf-mutes, as well as epileptics, the intellectually disabled, physically handicapped and the blind traditionally received a double-inheritance (note 6).

Addendum

Fast forward some decades. Mennonites lost control of all social institutions after the 1918 Communist Revolution, but the school remained a school for the deaf. These children however were murdered during German occupation. Ben Stobbe writes in his travel blog (2017):

“On the way to Tiege in the Orlovo area, we passed the memorial monument to the 131 deaf and mute children who were killed by the Nazis in WWII. It is a tribute to Ukrainians in this area in that they wanted a monument to remember the children. At the top of this monument is a bell that rings in the wind. Etched around and near top of the monument are children's faces. The chiming bell reminds us of the children.” (Note 7)

This is consistent with what we know otherwise about the Nazi regime: those born deaf were categorized as “defective” and “biologically inferior human material” and typically sterilized. Schools for the deaf were considered a product of Christian sentimentality in which “the greater the degree of idiocy, feeblemindedness, blindness, deafness or other physical handicap was, the greater the public expenditure for these biologically inferior people” (note 8). The singular goal of the Nazi "genetic health policy" was “to give back and maintain the health, resilience, and performance capacity of the German Volk”—and “no clear and rationally thinking fellow German national has ever doubted the legitimacy of racial legislation,” according to a rationale published for the ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche) in the Nazi paper read by Mennonites in Ukraine. The policy “has resulted not only in an increased birth rate and a considerable decline in unsuitable elements, but has also impacted, among other things, the crime statistics,” according to the unnamed author (note 9).

But for at least four decades Mennonites in Russia had embraced these so-called weaknesses as important for them as an Anabaptist-Mennonite community. On her death bed in 1884, the unwed estate heiress Helene Schröder willed 6,000 rubles to help establish the Mary School for the Deaf, 6,000 rubles to secure the future of the Ohrlof High School Library, and 6,000 to overseas mission (note 10).

Follow the money: passion for education, charitable work (“inner mission”), and foreign mission were all connected, and marked the self-identity and sense of worth of the larger Mennonite community in this era—including the baptism of those formerly thought to be blödsinnig.

---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Heinrich Ediger, ed., Beschlüsse der von den geistlichen und anderen Vertretern der Mennonitengemeinden Rußlands abgehaltenen Konferenzen für die Jahren 1879 bis 1913 (Berdjansk: Ediger, 1914), 21, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Buch/MJ/MK1.pdf.

Note 2: Abraham Görz, “Kurzgefaßter Bericht über die Marienschule für Taubstumme in Blumenort in Südrußland,” in H. G. Mannhardt, ed., Jahrbuch der Altevangelischen Taufgesinnten oder Mennoniten-Gemeinden, 143–147 (Danzig, 1888), 145, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ok5FAQAAMAAJ&dq&fbclid. For more background information, cf. Margarita Dick, "'Marien- Taubstummenschule' in Tiege, Molotschna," https://chortitza.org/Buch/MDick.pdf.

Note 3: Jan Branson and Don Miller, Damned for their Difference. The Cultural Construction of Deaf People as ‘Disabled’ (Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press, 2002), 125f., https://books.google.ca/books?id=KBaFchM0dowC&dq.

Note 4: Görz, “Kurzgefaßter Bericht über die Marienschule für Taubstumme," 145.

Note 5: Johann Wiebe, “Werte Freunde!” Report, School for the Deaf, Tiege, July 1905. In Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive, file 3450, reel 75. From Robarts Library, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON.

Note 6: Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 809, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/page/n845.

Note 7: From http://benstobbe.blogspot.com/2017/05/. One Mennonite doctor participated in the requested examination of these children before their killing; cf .Dmytro Myeshkov, “Mennonites in Ukraine before, during, and immediately after the Second World War,” in European Mennonites and the Holocaust, edited by Mark Jantzen and John D. Thiesen (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020), 217f.

Note 8: Karl Lietz, “The Place of the School for the Deaf in the New Reich,” in Deaf People in Hitler’s Europe, edited by Donna F. Ryan and John S. Schuchman, 114–120 (Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press, 2002), 117, https://books.google.ca/books?id=8d56MtJWQ7sC&dq.

Note 9: “Schutz gegen Volkszerfall,” Ukraine Post, no. 8 (February 27, 1943), 4, https://libraria.ua/en/numbers/878/32422/.

Note 10: See editorial note (attached) to “Drei Landgüter mennonitischer Gutsbesitzer,” Mennonitische Rundschau (January 28, 1885), 2n., https://chortitza.org/kb/eklas114.pdf.

Comments

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia: “We cordially plead ...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Flight from Flanders to Friesland

In the latter half of the sixteenth century Protestantism gradually spread throughout the northern Netherlands in the form of Calvinism—which had a direct impact on Anabaptists. When the Northern Provinces of the Netherlands led by the exiled Protestant Prince William of Orange went to war against Spain in 1568, persecution of Anabaptists in Catholic Flanders increased again. Long before the Protestant Northern Provinces would declare independence in 1581, the inquisition against Anabaptists in Bruges, for example, had achieved its goal. With the last two Anabaptist executions in the city in 1573, the once large and thriving Mennonite congregation was extinguished. Subsequently Mennonites lived in Bruges only on rare occasions, and when present, for only a short time, as for example the well-known art historian Karel van Mander in 1582 ( note 1 ). In the Northern Provinces Calvinism had become attractive theologically and politically. Not only was Christian resistance to tyrannical gov...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws. It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

"Between Monarchs" a lot can happen (like revolt). A Mennonite "Accession" Prayer for the Monarch

It is surprising for many to learn that Russian Mennonites sang the Russian national anthem "God save the Tsar" in special worship services ... frequently! We have a "Mennonite prayer" and sermon sample for the accession of the monarch ( Thronbesteigung ) or its anniversary, with closing prayer-- and another Mennonite sampler of a coronation ( Krönung ) prayer, sermon and closing prayer ( note 1 ). After 70 years with one monarch, the manual is made for a time like this--try sharing it with your Canadian Mennonite pastor ;) Technically there is no “between” monarchs: “The Queen is Dead. Long live the King!” But there is much that happens or can happen before the coronation of the new monarch. Including revolt. Mennonites in Molotschna had hosted Tsar Alexander I shortly before his death in 1825. Upon his death in December, Alexander's brother and heir Constantine declined succession, and prior to the coronation of the next brother Nicholas, some 3,000 rebel (mos...

"They are useful to the state." An almost forgotten Prussian view of Mennonites, ca. 1780s-90s

In 1787 Mennonite interest for emigration was extremely strong outside the quasi independent City of Danzig in the Prussian annexed Marienwerder and Elbing regions. Even before the land scouts Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner had returned from Russia later that year, so many Mennonite exit applications had flooded offices that officials wrote Berlin in August 1787 for direction ( note 1a ). Initially officials did not see a problem: because Mennonites do not provide soldiers, the cantons lose nothing by their departure, and in fact benefit from the ten-percent tax imposed on financial assets leaving the state. Ludwig von Baczko (1756-1823), Professor of History at the Artillery Academy in Königsberg, East Prussia, was the general editor of a series that included a travelogue through Prussia written by a certain Karl Ephraim Nanke. Nanke had no special love for Mennonites, but was generally balanced in his judgements and based his now almost forgotten account of Mennonites on perso...

"In the Case of Extreme Danger" - Menno Pass and Refugee crisis, 1945-46

"In the Case of Extreme Danger 1. We are Russian-Mennonite refugees who are returning to Holland, the place of origin. The language is Low German. 2. The Dutch Mennonites there, Doopsgezinde , will take in all fellow-believing Mennonites from Russia who are in danger of compulsory repatriation. 3. The first stage of the journey is to Gronau in Westphalia. 4. As a precaution, purchase a ticket to an intermediate stop first. The last connecting station is Rheine. 5. Opposite Gronau is the Dutch city of Enschede, where you will cross the border. 6. On the border ask for Peter Dyck (Piter Daik), Mennonite Central Committee, Amsterdam, Singel 452. Peter Dyck (or his people) will distribute the relevant papers—“Menno Passes”--and provide further information. 7. Any other border points may also be crossed, with the necessary explanations (who, where to, Mennonites from Russia, Peter Dyck, M.C.C., etc.). The Dutch border Patrol is informed. 8. Here the whole matter must be h...

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

History of the Russian Mennonites

Search This Blog