Skip to main content

What does it cost to settle a Refugee? Basic without Medical Care (1930)

In January 1930, the Mennonite Central Committee was scrambling to get 3,885 Mennonites out of Germany and settled somewhere fast. These refugees had fled via Moscow in December 1929, and Germany was willing only to serve as first transit stop (note 1).

Canada was very reluctant to take any German-speaking Mennonites—the Great Depression had begun and a negative memory of war resistance still lingered. In the end Canada took 1,344 Mennonites and the USA took none born in Russia. Paraguay was the next best option (note 2). The German government preferred Brazil, but Brazil would not guarantee freedom from military service, which was a problem for American Mennonite financiers.

There were already some conservative "cousins" from Manitoba in Paraguay who had negotiated with the government and learned through trial and error how to survive in the "Green Hell" of the Paraguayan Chaco.

MCC with the assistance of a German aid organization purchased and distributed basics for each new family / village to be equipped with the following upon settlement (see pic):


It was a huge undertaking. MCC estimated the costs to settle each family exclusive of transportation and land, would be a little more than $600. The biggest organizational failure was lack of medical care, and the first families suffered immediate losses. And the quality of oxen (for ploughing) and cows—upon which so much hinged—looked much better on paper than the animals that were in fact rounded up.

1,572 Mennonites from Russia were settled by MCC in the Paraguayan Chaco, and another 2,529 settled in Brazil in 1930 (note 3). Each family settled in Paraguay was indebted $1500 (average) for travel expenses, 40 hectares of land, and the cost of equipment (note 4).

There were already Conservative Mennonites from Canada (Sommerfelder) in the Chaco, who had suffered a very high mortality rate upon settlement. Nevertheless MCC chose not to place a medical doctor in the colony; they were satisfied with a settler who had homeopathic training. An epidemic broke out in the first few months after arrival in Paraguay, and tragically took more than 94 lives (note 5).

Homeopathic doctor Johann Ediger was a close friend of immigration leader Prof. Benjamin Unruh, and wrote a year earlier about the Canadian Mennonites: “An important reason that frightens the Mennonites away from Chaco, is the high mortality amongst the settlers, and it will be one of my first problems to investigate the reasons, and satisfactorily enlighten the settlers through lectures on prevention and homeopathic self-treatment” (note 6).

Ediger had only taken one course in medicine; he did not complete it or graduate with a degree, and was “not in any way a qualified as a doctor,” according to a reference check with a Mennonite medical doctor from Russia in 1929 (note 7 and 8).

In the first months of the Fernheim settlement Ediger reported giving “remedies” to those from Moscow via Germany who “had brought cases of diarrhea with them from the big ship” (note 9). By the end of November 1930 the epidemic was in full-swing and Ediger was overwhelmed (note 10). Unruh in Germany however was both unconvinced and frustrated by the “rumours about a large-scale epidemic in Paraguay,” and trusted Ediger’s reassuring reports despite the “mention of frequent deaths” (note 11).

The cost for MCC to bring in emergency military  doctors was $58,466 (note 12). The lack of proper medical care and the judgement of Unruh in Germany would remain a significant problem for colony for the next years (note 13).








            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: See previous posts, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/canadian-mennonites-and-paraguay-1922.html; https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/03/lengua-indigenous-people-of-gran-chaco.html. On financial support from the German government negotiated by Benjamin H. Unruh, see my essay, "Benjamin Unruh, MCC and National Socialism," Mennonite Quarterly Review 96, no. 2 (April 2022), 157-205, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1571.

Note 2/ pic: Village 2, MCC-Akron IX-03-03, Box 4 File 34-Village 2 Contract (Partial) consolidated.

Note 3: Frank Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: Friesen, 1962), 239. For the work of MCC in this effort, cf. John D. Unruh, In the Name of Christ: A History of the Mennonite Central Committee and its Service 1920–1951 (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1952), 24–31.

Note 4: Cf. Peter P. Klassen, The Mennonites in Paraguay, vol. 1, trans. by Gunther H. Schmidt, 2nd ed. (Hillsboro, KS: Self-published, 2004), 75.

Note 5: Telegram, Harold S. Bender to Benjamin Unruh, 1930. Cf. B. Unruh, Report VI to MCC, January 14, 1930, 3. From MCC-Archives Akron, IX-03-02, box 1, file 1, 0005; Nicolai Siemens [report] to MCC, November 23, 1930. From MCC-Akron, IX 3-5 Box 1 File 1-0001.

Note 6: Johann Ediger to General S. McRoberts, letter, February 27, 1929, p. 2, MCC-Akron, IX3-3, Box 1, File 30.

Note 7: M. S. Fisher to H. G. Norman, letter, April 5, 1929, MCC-Akron, IX3-3, Box 1, File 30.

Note 8: M. S. Fisher to H. G. Norman, letter, June 4, 1929, MCC-Akron, IX3-3, Box 1, File 30.

Note 9: Johann Ediger to Benjamin Unruh, June 28, 1930, Report 8, MCC-Akron, 1X3-1, Box 1, Folder 3.

Note 10: [Intercontinental/Corporation] to MCC (M. Kratz), cable, November 28, 1930, MCC-Akron, IX2, Box 4, File 11-0003.

Note 11: Benjamin Unruh to MCC Executive, Report 20, November 30, 1930, p. 10, MCC-Akron, IX01-01, Box 11, File 6.

Note 12: MCC-Akron, IX 3-3, Box 11, File 26.

Note 13: See next posts (forthcoming)

Photograph: Death of Sarah Fast, October 27, 1930, age 4 (my aunt). Her mother Margareta, my grandfather Jacob Fast's first wife, died from the typhoid fever six weeks later.

Print Friendly and PDF


Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha...

Why study and write about Russian Mennonite history?

David G. Rempel’s credentials as an historian of the Russian Mennonite story are impeccable—he was a mentor to James Urry in the 1980s, for example, which says it all. In 1974 Rempel wrote an article on Mennonite historical work for an issue of the Mennonite Quarterly Review commemorating the arrival of Russian Mennonites to North America 100 years earlier ( note 1). In one section of the essay Rempel reflected on Mennonites’ general “lack of interest in their history,” and why they were so “exceedingly slow” in reflecting on their historic development in Russia with so little scholarly rigour. Rempel noted that he was not alone in this observation; some prominent Mennonites of his generation who had noted the same pointed an “extreme spirit of individualism” among Mennonites in Russia; the absence of Mennonite “authoritative voices,” both in and outside the church; the “relative indifference” of Mennonites to the past; “intellectual laziness” among many who do not wish to be distu...

Mennonite Literacy in Polish-Prussia

At a Mennonite wedding in Deutsch Kazun in 1833 (pic), neither groom nor bride nor the witnesses could sign the wedding register. A Görtz, a Janzen, a Schröder—born a Görtzen – illiterate. “This act was read to the married couple and witnesses, but not signed because they were unable to write.” Similarly, with the certification of a Mennonite death in Culm (Chelmo), West Prussia, 1813-14: “This document was read and it was signed by us because the witnesses were illiterate.” Spouse and children were unable to read or write. Names like Gerz, Plenert, Kliewer, Kasper, Buller and others. 14 families of the 25 Mennonite deaths registered --or 56%--could not sign the paperwork ( note 1 ; pic ). This appears to be an anomaly. We know some pioneers to Russia were well educated. The letters of the land-scout to Russia, Johann Bartsch to his wife back home (1786-87) are eloquent, beautifully written and indicate a high level of literacy ( note 2 ). Even Klaas Reimer (b. 1770), the founder t...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

Becoming German: Ludendorff Festivals in Molotschna, 1918

During the friendly German military occupation of Ukraine at the end of WWI, patriotic “Ludendorff Festivals” were encouraged by German forces to raise funds to support injured German soldiers. A first such festival in the Molotschna was held on June 25, 1918 in Ohrloff, and was attended by “a great many German officers, soldiers and colonists with music, [patriotic] speeches and social interaction” From the perspective of the German army press, the event was “extremely enjoyable;” it was accompanied with music by a 30-piece regiment orchestra, and beer, sausage, sandwiches, ice-cream, raspberries and cherries were sold. It closed with a “small dance,” raising 7,387 rubles or 9,850 German marks in donations ( note 1 ). Later that summer, a Ludendorff Festival in Halbstadt began with Sunday worship, followed by an early concert, games and performances by the Selbstschutz , as well as “entertainment and merriment of every kind,” with short plays and dancing into the morning ( note ...

Russo-Japanese War and the Mennonite Response, 1904-05

In February 1904, Russia declared war on Japan and Mennonite congregations sent the Tsar messages of loyalty, love and prayers. The large Lichtenau-Petershagen-Schönsee congregation in the Mennonite Molotschna Colony in today’s Ukraine led by 80-year-old Elder (Bishop) Jakob Töws expressed its “deep loyalty and love for the throne and the Fatherland” ( note 1 ). Similarly, the Mennonite Chortitza congregation declared that Mennonites bow “humbly before the Imperial Majesty with most faithful love and devotion,” and “together with all faithful subjects send their most passionate prayers and supplications to the Most High, that He may extend his mighty hand over the beloved Tsar and the Russian people, and that peace may soon be returned” ( note 2 ). The Einlage Mennonite Brethren congregation offered a similar statement, “inspired by feelings of boundless dedication to the Sovereign Fatherland,” with “passionate prayers” for the Tsar and Fatherland, based on 1 Timothy 2:1–4 ( note 3 ...