Skip to main content

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948.

The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” (note 1). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God.

In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth Klassen Reimer wrote in her diary:

“It was beautiful to see, … to arrive in a region with green trees after only three weeks. We could not believe our eyes. And so many cars arrived, and very different types of people stood at the port until late in the night and observed, as we also did from the ship. The children were very excited that we finally landed.” (Note 2)

MCC had made arrangements for visas and an orderly immigration through Argentina to the land-locked country of Paraguay—but even these arrangements fell into place late; a week before the Volendam’s arrival, the Paraguayan Foreign Ministry made MCC representative and Canadian businessman C. A. DeFehr a special envoy of the government to expedite the process (note 3).

All of the refugees spent their first night in Argentina on the ship. Already the next morning, one group of 400 were put onto steam powered riverboats and another group of one-hundred onto train cars for the 1,300 kilometre journey to the Paraguayan Chaco. On February 24, 1947, my grandmother Helen Bräul (age 43) and her three surviving children (Walter 18, Sarah 16, and Käthe 9), together with the remainder of the passengers, were also allowed to disembark.

The MCC team had set up a temporary tent camp in Buenos Aires where they received the remainder of the passengers and assisted with their needs until they too could go on. Käthe remembers the barbed-wire fencing and the long lines for food and toilets. On February 25, Helene noted in her journal that another hundred people were able to leave that day, and that this group was destined for eastern Paraguay and the Mennonite Colony of Friesland, which had been established in 1937. The majority, however, were destined for the Chaco, where the two original Paraguayan Mennonite colonies, Menno and Fernheim, were located. On February 26, Helene wrote a letter from Buenos Aires to relatives in Canada and also a letter to friends in the Netherlands, reporting that they had now arrived safely in South America.

On February 27, another 150 individuals were designated to leave the tent city for the Fernheim Colony—and the Bräuls were among this number. The group first travelled by train to the harbour where the long journey upriver began. The boat trip across the bay took four hours, and then the boat sailed north, up the Paraná River and deep into this strange new continent towards Paraguay.

The vessel arrived in Asunción—Paraguay’s capital—on March 1, 1947. “Everything looks so different; donkeys loaded as baggage-carriers and then women ride them to the market”—these were the first impressions of one refugee mother (note 4). Thoughts of missing loved ones, and fears of having to start anew were almost overwhelming. Elisabeth Klassen Reimer expressed that well in her diary:

“May God also bless us as well, that we too might see each other again. The children are growing up without a father. I have gone through so much with the children. Burying mother—oh, how painful. And now completely alone without siblings nearby. Dear God, give me the necessary strength to carry the load ---" (Note 5)

In Asunción, Helene and family were met by Peter Teichrob from the Fernheim Colony who would be their guide for the remainder of the journey. The next day the group boarded a flat riverboat for the three-day journey up the Paraguay River.

At 1:30 AM, March 5, this group of 150 refugees arrived at Puerto Casado (today Puerto La Victoria), some 400 kilometres upstream from the capital. Here they disembarked and later that same morning they boarded the narrow-gauge train cars owned by the Casado Company Railway that took them 145 kilometres westwards into the Chaco. They arrived at the terminal station (“Fred Engen Station,” named after an American pacifist who helped settle the first Mennonites in 1927) later at 5 PM, where they were met by other Mennonite settlers from the colonies of Fernheim and Menno with a meal of familiar Russian Borscht (cabbage soup). “The newcomers ... noticed that some Fernheimers had substantial girth, and took comfort that their days of hunger had ended” (note 6). The elderly and infirm were transported in two Fernheim trucks; the rest (including the Bräuls) were taken on horse-drawn wagons through “bush and more bush” to the temporary host villages in the Menno Colony, eighty-eight kilometres away (a 15 to 24 hour trek).

The first group of 299 refugees had arrived just two days earlier. Helene Bräul and her children were temporarily brought to the village of Neu-Einlage in the Menno Colony by a Mr. Funk who had come from Canada to Paraguay in 1927—in all likelihood a not-so-distant cousin whose grandparents left the Bergthal Colony in Russia for Canada in 1874.

Walter Bräul, who only had a few years of formal schooling himself, was shocked to realize that many residents of the Menno Colony were “almost illiterate.” His host was convinced the world was flat and, in all seriousness, asked Walter if he had seen any mermaids on his travel! When Walter told him that mermaids were fairy-tales, his host disagreed strongly, because there was an item on mermaids in the Steinbach Post.

MCC had arranged in advance that each refugee family would not only be transported, but also hosted by an established family in either Fernheim or Menno without charge for three months until basic homes in the new colony could be built. Helene was deeply comforted to know that she would be coming to family: she had an elderly uncle living in Fernheim—David Thiessen (b. 1867)—whom she last saw when she was four years-old (1908) when Mennonite life in Russia was in its “golden era.” Old David Thiessen, with his wife Margareta, and extended family lived in the village of Ohrloff, Fernheim (also called Village No. 15).

While the European Mennonites were struck by the exotic Paraguayan wilderness, the established Mennonites were struck by the fashions of the Europeans dressed in donated American and Canadian clothing.

“We had waited a long time for the refugees whom we had imagined as pitiful, emaciated figures. Finally the horse-drawn wagons which brought the first refugees arrived in the village. All the residents hurried to the street in order to see them. ... After the restful boat journey ... they looked well fed and fresh. They all wore pretty clothes which they had received on the boat as MCC donations; and all had open hair that was permed. These new fashions were quite foreign to the hard working village residents who had long been distanced from city life.” (Note 7)

Residents of the conservative Menno Colony who hosted many of these refugees in their homes for five months, discovered that these Mennonites who valued education, sang in four-part harmony, and dressed in bright and colourful clothes “could still be genuinely committed Christians” (note 8); indeed, some even found this attractive! On the part of the refugees, “none of [them] neglected the Sunday worship services, which they had been without for so long.”

The Thiessen relatives in Fernheim also had a most fascinating odyssey of escape behind them. In 1908, David and Margareta Thiessen left the Molotschna Colony in Russia and pioneered a new Mennonite settlement along the Amur River in Far Eastern Russia on the border of Manchuria (note 9). Then in 1929 as Stalin’s grip on power tightened, the community chose to flee en masse and in the dark of night across the frozen Amur River and into China (note 10). In China they stayed for a time in the city of Harbin (Heilongjian) hoping to find a safe country, before a select number received visas to travel to the United States of America. Most however, with the assistance of the League of Nations and MCC, travelled via Shanghai, Hong Kong, Paris, Lisbon, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo and Buenos Aires to Paraguay, where they arrived in 1932.

In the Menno Colony, Helene Bräul and family were met by Hans Kroeker, the son of Helene’s cousin Greta (Thiessen), who took the Bräuls on the last leg of their long journey. Though the Kroekers already had a large family with five children, they took these relatives under their roof. Helene with daughters Sara and Käthe slept in the sitting room, while Walter slept with the other four boys in their room. The Kroekers had another small building across the yard which served as a kitchen and eating area for this large family.

The village of Ohrloff, Fernheim, would be home for the next five months. While “Ohrloff” sounded like home (the Molotschna village of the same name hosted three generations of Bräul teachers), “Fernheim” loosely translated means “home far from home,” and indeed this was the case. Yet in this very foreign land Helene was deeply grateful to be embraced and welcomed not only by the larger Mennonite community, but also by long-lost members of her own extended family. 

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast




---Notes---

Note 1: Cited in Ted D. Regehr, “Anatomy of a Mennonite Miracle: The Berlin Rescue of 30–31 January 1947,” Journal of Mennontie Studies 9 (1991), 11, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/326/326.

Note 2: “Diary 1930–1971 of Elisabeth Klassen Reimer (1910–1994),” 1971. In author's possession.

Note 3: For fuller story, cf. Walter Regehr, ed., 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 1947–1972 (Karlsruhe: Schneider, 1972), 13f.; Cornelius A. DeFehr, Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1976), sec. 5.

Note 4: E. Reimer, “Diary 1930–1971.”

Note 5: E. Reimer, “Diary 1930–1971.”

Note 6: Edgar Stoesz and Muriel T. Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness. Mennonite Communities in the Paraguayan Chaco, 1927–1997 (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1999), 73.

Note 7: Fernheim resident, cited in W. Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 104.

Note 8: Titus Guenther, “Ältester Martin C. Friesen (1889–1968): A Man of Vision for Paraguay’s Mennogemeinde,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 23 (2005), 185–211, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/1044/1043.

Note 9: Cited in W. Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 105.

Note 10: For story, see Stoesz and Stackley, Garden in the Wilderness: Mennonite Communities in the Paraguayan Chaco, 59–66.

For MCC video of some of these events, see: 


Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

1923 Mennonite immigrants "kept behind": Lechfeld (Bavaria) transit camp

An important part of the larger 1923 immigration story includes the chapter of the hundreds who were held back at Riga and Southampton and taken to the Lechfeld (Bavaria) transit camp for medical care. “Germany generously and magnanimously helped our organizations, on my intercession, to overcome the manifold difficulties connected with such a ( Volksbewegung ) movement of people in such critical times,” Benjamin H. Unruh wrote some years later ( note 1 ). Just as the first group of Russländer Mennonites set foot in Canada 100 years ago this month, the North American relief effort in the USSR was also winding down (August 1923). The famine relief work in 1921 and 1922 had found broad support in the North American Mennonite community. However excitement about a larger immigration of Russian Mennonites to North America was muted, and a new call to action could not forge the same level of cooperation across Mennonite groups. The plan required huge money guarantees. In USSR B.B. Janz h...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

School Reports, 1890s

Mennonite memoirs typically paint a golden picture of schools in the so-called “golden era” of Mennonite life in Russia. The official “Reports on Molotschna Schools: 1895/96 and 1897/98,” however, give us a more lackluster and realistic picture ( note 1 ). What do we learn from these reports? Many schools had minor infractions—the furniture did not correspond to requirements, there were insufficient book cabinets, or the desks and benches were too old and in need of repair. The Mennonite schoolhouses in Halbstadt and Rudnerweide—once recognized as leading and exceptional—together with schools in Friedensruh, Fürstenwerder, Franzthal, and Blumstein were deemed to be “in an unsatisfactory state.” In other cases a new roof and new steps were needed, or the rooms too were too small, too dark, too cramped, or with moist walls. More seriously in some villages—Waldheim, Schönsee, Fabrikerwiese, and even Gnadenfeld, well-known for its educational past—inspectors recorded that pupils “do not ...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Queen Elizabeth II and Aunt Adina Neufeld Bräul

This month (April 2023) we celebrated my aunt’s 97th birthday—Adina Neufeld Bräul. Queen Elizabeth II and Aunt Adina were born within hours of each other, April 20-21, 1926. She once told me—in somewhat different words—that this makes her wonder about God’s providence … In 1944 in German-annexed Poland, my 16-year-old uncle Walter Bräul was required to report for military service. His first thought: no good soldier should be without a girlfriend! Before leaving for training, he asked one of the girls from "the trek" on a date to see a movie in Exin. Seven years later they would marry in Paraguay. Adina and her mother and sister were on the same trek or group (Gnadenfeld/ Molotschna) out of Ukraine as Walter and my mother (in the 2023 photo). Adina’s most terrible memory of the trek was when their wagon almost tipped over into a deep ravine. She was 17—a year older than Walter—and it was Walter’s 17-year-old brother Peter who literally jumped from his wagon to physically stop ...

A Traveler's Impressions of the Molotschna, 1927

In November 1927, Susanna Toews of Ohrloff, Molotschna wrote to her brother Gerhard in Canada, "Father is sleeping and the sisters are reading, even though they have read the stuff ten times. . .. Twice a week we get Das Neue Dorf . We read the most important material the first evening and then father reads the rest of it the next day" ( note 1 ). A youth in Friedensruh, Molotschna reported to the communist youth paper Die Saat in 1928, that their village receives 13 copies of Das Neue Dorf , 6 copies of Die Saat , one of the Moscow-based Deutsche Zentral-Zeitung , 16 copies of Die Trompete, 2 copies of Neuland , and some Russian papers as well. On average, 2 papers per household--all communist papers. A Mennonite-based monthly agricultural journal, “The Practical Agriculturalist” ( Der praktische Landwirt ) had been approved for publication in Ukraine in 1924 but was shut down in December 1926. Government authorities in Ukraine were exasperated to see a “significant a...

Warthegau, Nazism and two 15-year-old Mennonites, 1944

Katharina Esau offered me a home away from home when I was a student in Germany in the 1980s. The Soviet Union released her and her family in 1972. Käthe Heinrichs—her maiden name (b. Aug. 18, 1928)—and my Uncle Walter Bräul were classmates in Gnadenfeld during Nazi occupation of Ukraine, and experienced the Gnadenfeld group “trek” as 15-year-olds together. Before she passed, she wrote her story ( note 1 )—and I had opportunity to interview my uncle. Käthe and Walter both arrived in Warthegau—German annexed Poland—in March 1944 ( note 2 ), and the Reich had a plan for their lives. In February 1944, the Governor of Warthegau ordered the Hitler Youth (HJ) organization to “care for Black Sea German youth” ( note 3 ). Youth were examined for the Hitler Youth, but also for suitability for elite tracks like the one-year Landjahr (farm year and service) program. The highly politicized training of the Landjahr was available for young people in Hitler Youth and its counterpart the League of G...

Flemish Anabaptists and Witch Hunts

Political leaders have long used the term "witch hunt"--and there is an historical connection to Mennonites. Anabaptists and so-called “witches” were arrested and tried for related reasons in the Low Countries in the 1500s: namely, as a means to divert God’s wrath. The late-Medievals feared that heresy—in this case ana-baptism and the challenge to other sacraments—invited the wrath of God, and was an instrument for the devil’s own hellish apocalyptic assault. The assumption: the devil's tactics to destroy Christendom included the use of both heretics and sorcerers. Gary Waite writes convincingly that both were seen as “polluting” the community and thus both had to be "excised." "This fear of pollution, or scandalizing God or the saints, also explains why small numbers of peaceable Mennonites were so harshly treated during the second half of the sixteenth century. Plagues, fires, and economic and social crises were often blamed on the presence of even a smal...

Mennonites and the Crimean War (1853-56)

Martin Klaassen was traveling through the Molotschna Mennonite Colony when the Crimean War broke out in 1853 ( note 1 ). His diary notes that the following hymn was sung before the sermon: December 1853 . With regards to the war which broke out between Russia and Turkey, the song, No: 723 “O Lord, the clouds of war are threatening now, above our heads we see them roll” was sung before the sermon” ( note 2 ). As the war effort grew, thousands of troops came through Molotschna: January 14, 1854 . Today our colony has received billets: in Halbstadt about 1,000 soldiers. It is said that Joh. Neufelds have offered liquor ( Branntwein ), naturally without charge. The soldiers are supposed to have marched in with jubilant singing and much hilarity. They had been very happy for the wonderful reception they got, and promised to accomplish great things. In March, England and France also declared war on Russia. March 26, 1854 . At noon today there was suddenly a military transport at ...