Skip to main content

“Politically backwards but clean and high level of care”: Bethania Mental Hospital as Icon

The Bethania Mental Hospital was established by Mennonites in 1910 and remembered as their greatest cultural achievement. After the Bolshevik Revolution it was taken over by the province of Ekaterinoslav and nationalized in 1925, but supported in large part by the Mennonite community. A 1925 "political" assessment of the institution provides a window onto government concerns about "German" Mennonites more generally. 

The leadership and staffing (ca. 65) as well as a large number of patients (120 beds) continued to be Mennonites or Germans (note 1; pic). The following 1925 newspaper article gives us a hint of how authorities viewed the hospital and its Mennonite staff seven years after expropriation, and the connection to nearby church community more generally.

“In exemplary order, but political work needs to be improved. Located between Kitchkas (Einlage) and Chortitza; three buildings, one of which houses a kitchen, living room for visitors, the “red corner” [communist reading room] and the staff, and in the other two the women's and men's wards of the hospital, … a cattle barn and a farm, as well as houses for staff.

Nowhere will you see even any trace of garbage. The patients who have lost the appearance of a conscious are placed on … pure white linen.

To care for the mentally ill, half of whom are violent, requires a measure of tact, self-control, endurance. The hospital personnel is entirely composed of Germans - Mennonites - all with a strong work ethic, discipline and dedication.

This is facilitated by the fact that the German colonists treat the hospital and its whole population as their own offspring. The clinic was organized in 1911 by Mennonite communities and until 1919 existed exclusively on funds by the latter.

And now, when the hospitals are on the budget of the provincial health department, funds from various German communities continue to support its maintenance.

During the years of the Civil War, the sanatorium was raided many times by gangs and the property was looted. Nevertheless, the head of the community and the staff succeeded to save much.

The situation with the cult of political education among the staff is very bad. Political education needs to be delivered and conducted in a planned manner. Then one can be sure that Bethania will turn into a cultured place in all aspects." (Note 2)

This very public assessment of Bethania reflects a high level of official concern about Mennonites in 1925.

The following 1925 secret “Agitation and Propaganda Department Report” provides a fuller context:

“During the last six months [ca. November 1924 to April 1925] the work of Mennonite missionaries and ministers has increased. They agitate for strengthening Mennonite religion and at the same time agitate for emigration. Religious activity in Mennonite colonies is developing without restraint because no proper attention was given to its study.” (Note 3)

Also in May 1925 the Head of the Secret Operative Department of the GPU [Soviet secret police] and the Head of the Counter-Intelligence Office of the GPU cited what they called a “very classified report to the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin” from the German consul in Kharkiv which they had intercepted: despite “the prohibition to have any religious organizations,” Mennonites are able “to arrange their life in spite of communist pressure”—they simply “exist under the name of the Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage” [Mennonite cultural, social and economic union]. The same classified report deemed Mennonites to be “the best German elements” in Ukraine. This reinforced deep Soviet suspicions that the German government considered “Mennonites as a base on which it can rely in the USSR” (notes 4).

The Central Bureau of the German Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Ukraine agreed in November 1925 to implement more “intensive and systematic” work and political education among “rank-and-file” Mennonites at the village level, in hopes that peasants “from the plow” would gradually be drawn into the party, who would then “carry out the reorganization and thereby liberate themselves from the harmful influence of the Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage” (note 5).

This background report by the Central Bureau of the German Section to the Central Committee flagged the key problems of their Mennonite population: they are uniquely “characterized by a narrow-national [German-Mennonite] outlook, lack of class stratification, [and a] passive attitude … toward Soviet social life”—which makes party and Soviet work among them “more difficult.”

In another report of the same year: “It is extremely difficult to conduct party work in Mennonite colonies because it is carried out among a population saturated with religious fanaticism and caste isolation” (note 6).

“Extraordinary difficulties” were reported specifically in the former Mennonite colony of Chortitza (where Bethania was located), where authorities had little success in drawing the Mennonites “to active participation in the construction of the Soviet order” and into “the public life of village clubs and reading rooms.” The committee concluded that the youth were both “restrained by parents” and “by preachers in meeting houses” (note 7). In general, “[t]he political condition of colonies populated by German Mennonites until the present time is not good,” and given their peculiarities it would require “a specially careful and tactful approach,” according to the September 1925 report of the Central Bureau.

The proposed strategy would include more open peasant sessions and conferences, more German press attention with the newspaper “The New Village” (Das Neue Dorf) with rural correspondents to strengthen supervision of abuses; more funds for the purchase of “libraries, radio sets, sports equipment, moving pictures apparatus and lanterns;” the immediate dismissal of all local committee members “who discredit the party;” a new “permanent party school” with “a German as an agitation and propaganda worker;” regular reporting on work among Mennonites to the “Agitation and Propaganda Collegium,” and regional committee bureaus for further action; and, importantly, plots of land for the large number of landless in Molotschna.

Moreover, authorities were very concerned that Mennonite youth “are under a strong religious influence and take an active part in religious youth unions that act under the cover of sports organizations” and even attracting some transfer members from the Communist Party youth organization (note 8).

To counter these efforts, the plan called for “cultural and educational work among Mennonite youth by creating youth sections at village clubs and organizing sports clubs,” as well as more frequent youth conferences for Mennonites (note 9).

The Bethania Mental Hospital was located near the Dnjper River and was dismantled with the construction of the massive Dneprostroy power dam in 1927. The Mennonite community appealed to the government to keep staff and patients together in a Mennonite community, specifically at Halbstadt (Molotschna). “However, this did not materialize. On 9 May 1927 the patients, among them 33 Mennonites, were transferred to a mental hospital at Igren without the Mennonite personnel. That was the end of Bethania, one of the mot successful and generally supported projects among the Mennonites of Russia” (note 10).

For Mennonites Bethania was an icon representing the highest cultural expression of their faith community. Its dismantling was met with dismay and signaled with clarity the larger government agenda to dismantle and reconfigure the Mennonite community as such.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

 



---Notes---

Note 1
: Cf. Jacob Wiebe, “Die letzte Nachricht aus Bethania,” Unser Blatt 2, no. 10 (July 1927), 304, https://chortitza.org/Pis/UB26_10.pdf; Erich Tavonius and Isaak Thiessen, "Bericht aus Molotchansk," Unser Blatt 2, no. 6 (March 1927),178-179, https://chortitza.org/Pis/UB26_06.pdf. Pic: staff posing on the adjacent Dnieper River; from personal collection by John VanDyck Jr.

Note 2 : “Колония для душевно-больных- Бетания,” Красное Запорожье no. 98 (May 2, 1925), in “Chortitza and Moltotschna Colonies in Ukrainian publications, 1913-15, edited by Alexander Panjko, 13f., https://chor.square7.ch/0v853.pdf. (Thanks to Google Translate!).

Note 3: “Report by the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine regarding issues in German colonies, Late April-early May 1925,” in John B. Toews and Paul Toews, eds., Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine (1922–1927): Mennonite and Soviet Documents, translated by J. B. Toews, O. Shmakina, and W. Regehr (Fresno, CA: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 2011) 270, https://archive.org/details/unionofcitizenso0000unse.

Note 4: “Instructions of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine for registration and minimizing the influence of religious groups, including Mennonites, May 25, 1925,” in Toews and Toews, Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine, 271. It was well known that B. B. Janz had been using German diplomatic courier service to communicate with Benjamin Unruh in Germany since November 1921. Cf. John B. Toews, With Courage to Spare: The Life of B. B. Janz (1877–1964) (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978) 26, https://archive.org/details/WithCourageToSpareOCRopt/page/n37/mode/2up. On "Menno-Union" (Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine), see previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/1921-formation-of-union-of-citizens-of.html.

Note 5: “Minutes of a joint session of the Central Bureau of the German Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine with German sections of okrug committees about work with Mennonites November 10–12, 1925,” in Toews and Toews, Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine, 318–324.

Note 6: Cf. “Conclusions of the Commission of the Presidium Commission following inspection of the Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage, Late July 1925,” in ibid., 291–296; 294.

Note 7: “Report of the German Section of the Zaporozhye Okrug Committee, January 4, 1926,” in ibid., 324–329. Similarly, see the 1924 newspaper piece: "Коммунист № 263 Дата: 16.11.1924 В немецких колониях Запорожья (От нашего корреспондента)," in “Chortitza and Moltotschna Colonies in Ukrainian publications," 2f.

Note 8: Cited in Matthew D. Pauly, Breaking the Tongue: Language, Education, and Power in Soviet Ukraine, 1923-1934 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 181.

Note 9: “Minutes of a joint session of the Central Bureau of the German Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine with German sections of okrug committees about work with Mennonites November 10-12, 1925,” in Toews and Toews, Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine, 318–324.

Note 10: From “Bethania Mental Hospital (Chortitza Mennonite Settlement),” GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Bethania_Mental_Hospital_(Chortitza_Mennonite_Settlement,_Zaporizhia_Oblast,_Ukraine). See note 1 for source. Cf. Helmut T. Huebert, “The Bethania Mental Hospital of Russia,1910-1927,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 29 (2011), 215-219, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/1414.


Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Why Danzig and Poland?

In the late 16th century, Poland became a haven for a variety of non-conformists which included Jews, Anti-Trinitarians from Italy and Bohemia, Quakers and Calvinists from Great Britain, south German Schwenkfelders, Eastern Orthodox, Armenian, and Greek Catholic Christians, some Muslim Tatars, as well as other peaceful sectarians like the Dutch and Flemish Anabaptists. Unlike the Low Countries and most of western Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a “state without stakes,” and as such fittingly described as “God’s playground” ( note 1 ). In the view of 17th-century Dutch dramatist Joost van den Vondel, it was “the ‘Promised Land,’ where the refugee could forget all his sorrow and enjoy the richness of the land” ( note 2 ). Over the next two centuries an important strand of Mennonite life and spirituality evolved into a mature tradition in this relatively hospitable context ( note 3 ). Anabaptists from the Low Countries began to arrive in Danzig and region as early as 15...

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism ( Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend ) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch ( note 1 ). Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” ( note 2 ). In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences...

On Becoming the Quiet in the Land

They are fair questions: “What happened to the firebrands of the Reformation? How did the movement become so withdrawn--even "dour and unexciting,” according to one historian? Mennonites originally referred to themselves as the “quiet in the land” in contrast to the militant--definitely more exciting--militant revolutionaries of Münster ( note 1 ), and identification with Psalm 35:19f.: “Let not my enemies gloat over me … For they do not speak peace, but they devise deceitful schemes against those who live quietly in the land.” How did Mennonites become the “quiet in the land” in Royal Prussia? Minority non-citizen groups in Poland like Jews, Scots, Huguenots or the much smaller body of Mennonites did not enjoy full political or economic rights as citizens. Ecclesial and civil laws left linguistic or religious minorities vulnerable to extortion. Such groups sought to negotiate a Privilegium or charter with the king, which set out a legal basis for some protections of life an...

Last Days of Mennonite Life on the Molotschna, September 1943

The Molotschna Mennonite Colony was established in 1803; 140 years later its villages were evacuated by retreating German armies. A map of the larger German operation of 1943 and the various "Trecks" is attached. The tens of thousands of evacuees included some 35,000 Mennonites. Nazi Germany had utterly failed Ukrainians, but continued to have plans for their "ethnic Germans" in the east. On Sept. 8, 1943 , the Red Army successfully took Donetsk (Stalino), 230 km east of Molotschna. The next day, S.S. administrators gave orders that every Molotschna family should load one wagon with their possessions and prepare for an orderly evacuation. Hitler was intent on holding Crimea, and sought to set up a defensive line from Zaporizhzhia to Melitopol and south to the Sea of Azov. Evacuation plans east of this line were in place since late June—initially to be resettled “somewhere” west of the Dnieper; on Aug. 17 first steps were taken to move 8,000 hospital beds west o...

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle...

"Motherhood of the People": Halbstadt Midwife Helene Berg and the SS

Recently Benjamin Goossen posted an important piece on the “well-known” Halbstadt midwife Helene Berg. Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler had taken a special interest in “old Mrs. Berg” and had publicly recognized her for helping birth some 8,000 Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) babies ( note 1 ). Goossen and I have shared archival materials in the past years. Below I would like to continue the exploration of Taunte Bojsche (or "Aunt Berg") and the surprisingly broad interest in her by Nazi officials as icon. I begin with a family story as a window onto the times. Some 35,000 Mennonites were evacuated out of German-occupied Ukraine in Fall 1943. After a grueling trek west the survivors landed in German-annexed Wartheland (previously Poland) where they were naturalized as German citizens. My grandmother Helene Bräul had eight children, and Helene Berg may very well have been her midwife for one or more of them. Like many Mennonite mothers in Wartheland, my grandmother was ...

Mennonite Literacy in Polish-Prussia

At a Mennonite wedding in Deutsch Kazun in 1833 (pic), neither groom nor bride nor the witnesses could sign the wedding register. A Görtz, a Janzen, a Schröder—born a Görtzen – illiterate. “This act was read to the married couple and witnesses, but not signed because they were unable to write.” Similarly, with the certification of a Mennonite death in Culm (Chelmo), West Prussia, 1813-14: “This document was read and it was signed by us because the witnesses were illiterate.” Spouse and children were unable to read or write. Names like Gerz, Plenert, Kliewer, Kasper, Buller and others. 14 families of the 25 Mennonite deaths registered --or 56%--could not sign the paperwork ( note 1 ; pic ). This appears to be an anomaly. We know some pioneers to Russia were well educated. The letters of the land-scout to Russia, Johann Bartsch to his wife back home (1786-87) are eloquent, beautifully written and indicate a high level of literacy ( note 2 ). Even Klaas Reimer (b. 1770), the founder t...