Skip to main content

Mennonite Rebel Leader Executed: Katharina Siemens, July 1930

In news (2022) from Ukraine we see some women active in the resistance against Russia.Is there any record of Mennonite women “rebels” against Moscow-based repression?

In 1930 there were more than 3,700 recorded anti-Soviet, anti-collective farm, anti-kulakization “mass disturbances” in the USSR undertaken almost exclusively by women. “Vigrous action” … “some armed with pitchforks, sticks, stakes, and knives” with disturbances that would last several days (note 1).

Did Mennonites participate or lead in any such “rebellions”? Thousands had been turned back home after hoping to flee via Moscow in Fall 1929 and immigrate to Canada. Many of these refused to plant crops in 1930 and were intent on trying again to leave.

There is a record of one Mennonite rebellion in 1930—and with a woman leader (note 2). There may have been others. The following fascinating account is based on the work of Abram A. Fast, written in Russian (note 3).

Johann Martin Winter, a “kulak” emigration leader from the village of Alexandrovsk, Barnaul, who had been sent back from Moscow in December with hundreds of others unable to emigrate, was arrested locally on July 2, 1930.

That night, David Giesbrecht notified all the other villages in the German District to come to the district centre in Halbstadt (Barnaul) to help secure Winter’s release. Some villages in the Slavgorod and Khabarsky Districts were also informed.

A large and “excited” crowd gathered at the building of the District Executive Committee, demanding the release of Winter. They were addressed by the secretary and chairman, as well as by the representative of the OGPU (secret police). The speech by the secretary was interrupted by shouts from the crowd, and the secretary himself was “insulted, threatened and, in the end, dragged from the porch from where he was speaking.”

The OGPU representative who arrested Winter gave reasons for the arrest, which the crowd refused to accept. Some from the crowd entered from the rear of the district building seized the weapons and forced the OGPU commissioner and his assistant onto the street.

The commissioner said that Winter was now in Slavgorod, and so he could not possibly release him. The loud crowd demanded that the commissioner go directly to the post office and talk [telegraph?] with OGPU police in Slavgorod and secure the immediately release Winter.

The leaders of the uprising gave the police commissioner three hours, or they would arrest him and lock him up in their local prison. The post-master however refused the open the door to the crowd.

One of the rebel leaders was a woman, Katharina Jakovlevna Siemens, and she called for the door to the post office to be broken down. Then the local police commissioner was forced to negotiate with the Slavgorod OGPU and communicate the demands of the rebels. The commissioner and his assistant were then detained as hostages. With control over the post office and the district offices, the rebels controlled all means of communication with the outside world.

After two to three hours had passed and the rebels had received no response regarding the release of Winter, their anger began to grow.

Threats and insults were directed at the commissioner. “Why are you arresting our people at night?” “We demand that Winter be released immediately, or we will show you a thing or two.” “You want to destroy religion, but not knowing how you gather false information and judge people on that basis. Well, how do you feel now, when you are the one arrested?” “The time for the release of Winter has now expired (3 hours), which means that we will take you away and put you in a cell as you do to our brothers, and we will keep and feed you in the same manner that you keep and feed our arrested people.”

After 3 or 3.5 hours, after the two officers of the OGPU had been “arrested” by the rebels, new demands were made of them: they were told to call the OGPU District Department and demand the release of others arrested. The commissioner categorically refused.

Then Katharina J. Siemens addressed the crowd: “Well, then we are forced to arrest the secretary and chair of the district committee executive, and the chair of the district farm union as well," and all of those present voted unanimously in support.” Forty to fifty people separated themselves from the crowd and headed to the district building to carry out the decision.

Then four armed local communist party members got on a truck to intersect this group, and two shots were fired in the air. Soon a car with an armed detachment of Chekists from Slavgorod arrived which changed the mood immediately. The Chekists surrounded the post office which had been in the hands of rebels for 6 hours. They demanded that the rebels immediately release the two OGPU officers, return the officers's weapons, and surrender the mail and telegraph office.

The OGPU then arrested nine of the most active rebel leaders: Katharina Jak. Siemens, I. P. Penner, K. Jak. Krahn, P. G. Koop, J. J. Driedger, Jak. Jak. Derksen, P. G. Enns, and G. K. Reimer. There was no resistance. The crowd had no choice but to disperse and go home.

David Isaakovich Giesbrecht, Aron Aronovich Peters, Johann Martinovich Winter, Ivan Alex. Plohotnikov, Jacob Petrovich Peters, David Franzovich Neufeldt, and Mikhail Sergeyevich Kirichenko were sentenced to death (J. M. Winter: August 31, 1930) and executed by shooting (J. M. Winter: October 22, 1930). The others were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. "That was the end of the emigration movement of the Germans of the 1920s and 1930s."

Katharina Jak. Siemens was sentenced on July 30 to be executed.

… the participants in the uprising in Halbstadt/Barnaul suffered a terrible fate. Of the 500 active participants, only 20 remained alive [by 1938?? Unclear]

–Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

 

---Notes---

Note 1: “Document 78, Report from the OGPU Secret Political Department on the forms and dynamics of the class struggle in the countryside in 1930, 15 March 1931,” in Steven Shabad, The War Against the Peasantry, 1927-1930: The Tragedy of the Soviet Countryside, Volume One (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005), 350.

Note 2: I am aware of only one brief English reference to this rebellion, by Russian scholar P. P. Wiebe, “The Mennonite Colonies of Siberia: From the Late Nineteenth to the Early Twentieth Century,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 30 (2012), 23-35; 33. https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/144.

Note 3: The above is pieced together from Abram A. Fast's research supported by archival materials from the Centre for Preservation of Archival collections of Altai kra. His book's title: V setyakh OGPU-NKVD: Nemetskiy rayon Altyskogo kraya v 1927-1938 (Slavgorod: Slavgorod Publishing, 2002). https://chortitza.org/Dok/FastR.pdf. The section on the "Halbstadt (Barnaul) Rebellion" begins on p. 57, and is very well documented by A. A. Fast.




Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Executioner of Dnepropetrovsk, 1937-38

Naum Turbovsky likely killed more Mennonites than anyone in the longer history of the Anabaptist-Mennonite movement. This is an emotionally difficult post to write because one of those men was my grandfather, Franz Bräul, born 1896. In 2019, I received the translation of his 30-page arrest, trial and execution file. To this point my mother never knew her father's fate. Naum Turbovsky's signature is on Bräul's execution order. Bräul was shot on December 11, 1937. Together with my grandfather's NKVD/ KGB file, I have the files of eight others arrested with him. Turbovsky's file is available online. Days before he signed the execution papers for those in this group, Turbovsky was given an award for the security of his prison and for his method of isolating and transferring prisoners to their interrogation—all of which “greatly contributed to the success of the investigations over the enemies of the people,” namely “military-fascist conspirators, spies and saboteurs.” T

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

"Women Talking" -- and Canadian Mennonites

In March 2023 the film "Women Talking" won an Oscar for "Best adapted Screenplay." It was based on the novel of the same name by Mennonite Miriam Toews. The conservative Mennonites portrayed in the film are from the "Manitoba Colony" in Bolivia--with obvious Canadian connections. Now that many Canadians have seen the the film, Mennonites like me are being asked, "So how are you [in Markham-Stouffville, Waterloo or in St. Catharines] connected to that group?" Most would say, "We're not that type of Mennonite." And mostly that is a true answer, though unnuanced. Others will say, "Well, it is complex," but they can't quite unfold the complexity.  Below is my attempt to do just that. At the heart of the story are things that happened in Ukraine (at the time "New" or "South" Russia) over 200 years ago. It is not easy to rebuild the influence and contribution of "Russian Mennonite" women and th

Prof. Benjamin Unruh as a Public Figure in the Nazi Era

Professor Benjamin H. Unruh (1881-1959) was a relief and immigration leader, educator, leading churchman, and official representative of Russian Mennonites outside of the Soviet Union throughout the National Socialism era in Germany. Unruh’s biography is connected to the very beginnings of Mennonite Central Committee in 1920-1922 when he served as a key spokesperson in Germany for the famine-stricken Mennonites in South Russia. Some years later he again played the central role in the rescue of thousands of Mennonites from Moscow in 1929 and, along with MCC, their resettlement in Paraguay, Brazil, and Canada. Because of Unruh’s influence and deep connections with key German government agencies in Berlin, his home office in Karlsruhe, Germany, became a relief hub for Mennonites internationally. Unruh facilitated large-scale debt forgiveness for Mennonites in Paraguay and Brazil, and negotiated preferential consideration for Mennonite relief work to the Soviet Union during the Great Famin

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism ( Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend ) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch ( note 1 ). Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” ( note 2 ). In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha

“First Arrival of German Troops in Halbstadt” (Volksfreund, April 20, 1918)

“ April 19, 1918 will always remain significant in the history of the Molotschna German Colony. That which until recently could hardly be imagined has occurred: the German military has arrived to free us from the despotism, rape and pillaging of barbarous people and to reestablish the order and security of life and property--something desperately necessary for our land. For this we give thanks above all to the One in whose hands the peoples and nations and also individuals rest. ...” ( Note 1 ) Mennonites greeted their “guests and liberators” with festivities that included baked goods (Zwieback), meats and even the German anthem “ Deutschland, Deutschland über alles "—all before the watchful eyes of their Russian /Ukrainian neighbours. The troops arrived by train; and to the shock of most present, three bound prisoners—all well-known bandits and terrorists—“were brought out of one of the railway cars without any prior notice, lined up and shot right in front of us” as an exampl

What does it cost to settle a Refugee? Basic without Medical Care (1930)

In January 1930, the Mennonite Central Committee was scrambling to get 3,885 Mennonites out of Germany and settled somewhere fast. These refugees had fled via Moscow in December 1929, and Germany was willing only to serve as first transit stop ( note 1 ). Canada was very reluctant to take any German-speaking Mennonites—the Great Depression had begun and a negative memory of war resistance still lingered. In the end Canada took 1,344 Mennonites and the USA took none born in Russia. Paraguay was the next best option ( note 2 ). The German government preferred Brazil, but Brazil would not guarantee freedom from military service, which was a problem for American Mennonite financiers. There were already some conservative "cousins" from Manitoba in Paraguay who had negotiated with the government and learned through trial and error how to survive in the "Green Hell" of the Paraguayan Chaco. MCC with the assistance of a German aid organization purchased and distribute