Skip to main content

Mennonite Rebel Leader Executed: Katharina Siemens, July 1930

In news (2022) from Ukraine we see some women active in the resistance against Russia.Is there any record of Mennonite women “rebels” against Moscow-based repression?

In 1930 there were more than 3,700 recorded anti-Soviet, anti-collective farm, anti-kulakization “mass disturbances” in the USSR undertaken almost exclusively by women. “Vigrous action” … “some armed with pitchforks, sticks, stakes, and knives” with disturbances that would last several days (note 1).

Did Mennonites participate or lead in any such “rebellions”? Thousands had been turned back home after hoping to flee via Moscow in Fall 1929 and immigrate to Canada. Many of these refused to plant crops in 1930 and were intent on trying again to leave.

There is a record of one Mennonite rebellion in 1930—and with a woman leader (note 2). There may have been others. The following fascinating account is based on the work of Abram A. Fast, written in Russian (note 3).

Johann Martin Winter, a “kulak” emigration leader from the village of Alexandrovsk, Barnaul, who had been sent back from Moscow in December with hundreds of others unable to emigrate, was arrested locally on July 2, 1930.

That night, David Giesbrecht notified all the other villages in the German District to come to the district centre in Halbstadt (Barnaul) to help secure Winter’s release. Some villages in the Slavgorod and Khabarsky Districts were also informed.

A large and “excited” crowd gathered at the building of the District Executive Committee, demanding the release of Winter. They were addressed by the secretary and chairman, as well as by the representative of the OGPU (secret police). The speech by the secretary was interrupted by shouts from the crowd, and the secretary himself was “insulted, threatened and, in the end, dragged from the porch from where he was speaking.”

The OGPU representative who arrested Winter gave reasons for the arrest, which the crowd refused to accept. Some from the crowd entered from the rear of the district building seized the weapons and forced the OGPU commissioner and his assistant onto the street.

The commissioner said that Winter was now in Slavgorod, and so he could not possibly release him. The loud crowd demanded that the commissioner go directly to the post office and talk [telegraph?] with OGPU police in Slavgorod and secure the immediately release Winter.

The leaders of the uprising gave the police commissioner three hours, or they would arrest him and lock him up in their local prison. The post-master however refused the open the door to the crowd.

One of the rebel leaders was a woman, Katharina Jakovlevna Siemens, and she called for the door to the post office to be broken down. Then the local police commissioner was forced to negotiate with the Slavgorod OGPU and communicate the demands of the rebels. The commissioner and his assistant were then detained as hostages. With control over the post office and the district offices, the rebels controlled all means of communication with the outside world.

After two to three hours had passed and the rebels had received no response regarding the release of Winter, their anger began to grow.

Threats and insults were directed at the commissioner. “Why are you arresting our people at night?” “We demand that Winter be released immediately, or we will show you a thing or two.” “You want to destroy religion, but not knowing how you gather false information and judge people on that basis. Well, how do you feel now, when you are the one arrested?” “The time for the release of Winter has now expired (3 hours), which means that we will take you away and put you in a cell as you do to our brothers, and we will keep and feed you in the same manner that you keep and feed our arrested people.”

After 3 or 3.5 hours, after the two officers of the OGPU had been “arrested” by the rebels, new demands were made of them: they were told to call the OGPU District Department and demand the release of others arrested. The commissioner categorically refused.

Then Katharina J. Siemens addressed the crowd: “Well, then we are forced to arrest the secretary and chair of the district committee executive, and the chair of the district farm union as well," and all of those present voted unanimously in support.” Forty to fifty people separated themselves from the crowd and headed to the district building to carry out the decision.

Then four armed local communist party members got on a truck to intersect this group, and two shots were fired in the air. Soon a car with an armed detachment of Chekists from Slavgorod arrived which changed the mood immediately. The Chekists surrounded the post office which had been in the hands of rebels for 6 hours. They demanded that the rebels immediately release the two OGPU officers, return the officers's weapons, and surrender the mail and telegraph office.

The OGPU then arrested nine of the most active rebel leaders: Katharina Jak. Siemens, I. P. Penner, K. Jak. Krahn, P. G. Koop, J. J. Driedger, Jak. Jak. Derksen, P. G. Enns, and G. K. Reimer. There was no resistance. The crowd had no choice but to disperse and go home.

David Isaakovich Giesbrecht, Aron Aronovich Peters, Johann Martinovich Winter, Ivan Alex. Plohotnikov, Jacob Petrovich Peters, David Franzovich Neufeldt, and Mikhail Sergeyevich Kirichenko were sentenced to death (J. M. Winter: August 31, 1930) and executed by shooting (J. M. Winter: October 22, 1930). The others were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. "That was the end of the emigration movement of the Germans of the 1920s and 1930s."

Katharina Jak. Siemens was sentenced on July 30 to be executed.

… the participants in the uprising in Halbstadt/Barnaul suffered a terrible fate. Of the 500 active participants, only 20 remained alive [by 1938?? Unclear]

–Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

 

---Notes---

Note 1: “Document 78, Report from the OGPU Secret Political Department on the forms and dynamics of the class struggle in the countryside in 1930, 15 March 1931,” in Steven Shabad, The War Against the Peasantry, 1927-1930: The Tragedy of the Soviet Countryside, Volume One (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005), 350.

Note 2: I am aware of only one brief English reference to this rebellion, by Russian scholar P. P. Wiebe, “The Mennonite Colonies of Siberia: From the Late Nineteenth to the Early Twentieth Century,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 30 (2012), 23-35; 33. https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/144.

Note 3: The above is pieced together from Abram A. Fast's research supported by archival materials from the Centre for Preservation of Archival collections of Altai kra. His book's title: V setyakh OGPU-NKVD: Nemetskiy rayon Altyskogo kraya v 1927-1938 (Slavgorod: Slavgorod Publishing, 2002). https://chortitza.org/Dok/FastR.pdf. The section on the "Halbstadt (Barnaul) Rebellion" begins on p. 57, and is very well documented by A. A. Fast.




Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Ukrainian Famine and Genocide (Holodomor), 1932-1933

In 2008 the Canadian Parliament passed an act declaring the fourth Saturday in November as “Ukrainian Famine and Genocide (‘Holodomor’) Memorial Day” ( note 1 ). Southern Ukraine was arguably the worst affected region of the famine of 1932–33, where 30,000 to 40,000 Mennonites lived ( note 2 ). The number of famine-related deaths in Ukraine during this period are conservatively estimated at 3.5 million ( note 3 ). In the early 1930s Stalin feared growing “Ukrainian nationalism” and the possibility of “losing Ukraine” ( note 4 ). He was also suspicious of ethnic Poles and Germans—like Mennonites—in Ukraine, convinced of the “existence of an organized counter-revolutionary insurgent underground” in support of Ukrainian national independence ( note 5 ). Ukraine was targeted with a “lengthy schooling” designed to ruthlessly break the threat of Ukrainian nationalism and resistance, and this included Ukraine’s Mennonites (viewed simply as “Germans”). Various causes combined to bring on w...

Eduard Wüst: A “Second Menno”?

Arguably the most significant outside religious influence on Mennonite s in the 19th century was the revivalist preaching of Eduard Wüst, a university-trained Württemberg Pietist minister installed by the separatist Evangelical Brethren Church in New Russia in 1843 ( note 1 ). With the end-time prophesies of a previous generation of Pietists (and many Mennonites) coming to naught, Wüst introduced Germans in this area of New Russia to the “New Pietism” and its more individualistic, emotional conversion experience and sermons on the free grace of God centred on the cross of Christ ( note 2 ). Wüst’s 1851 Christmas sermon series give a good picture of what was changing ( note 3 ). His core agenda was to dispel gloom (which maybe could describe more traditional Mennonites) and induce Christian joy. This is the root impulse of the Mennonite Brethren beginnings years later in 1860. “Satan is not entitled to present his own as the most joyful.” His people “sing, jump, leap ( hüpfen ) ...

Why Danzig and Poland?

In the late 16th century, Poland became a haven for a variety of non-conformists which included Jews, Anti-Trinitarians from Italy and Bohemia, Quakers and Calvinists from Great Britain, south German Schwenkfelders, Eastern Orthodox, Armenian, and Greek Catholic Christians, some Muslim Tatars, as well as other peaceful sectarians like the Dutch and Flemish Anabaptists. Unlike the Low Countries and most of western Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a “state without stakes,” and as such fittingly described as “God’s playground” ( note 1 ). In the view of 17th-century Dutch dramatist Joost van den Vondel, it was “the ‘Promised Land,’ where the refugee could forget all his sorrow and enjoy the richness of the land” ( note 2 ). Over the next two centuries an important strand of Mennonite life and spirituality evolved into a mature tradition in this relatively hospitable context ( note 3 ). Anabaptists from the Low Countries began to arrive in Danzig and region as early as 15...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

Becoming German: Ludendorff Festivals in Molotschna, 1918

During the friendly German military occupation of Ukraine at the end of WWI, patriotic “Ludendorff Festivals” were encouraged by German forces to raise funds to support injured German soldiers. A first such festival in the Molotschna was held on June 25, 1918 in Ohrloff, and was attended by “a great many German officers, soldiers and colonists with music, [patriotic] speeches and social interaction” From the perspective of the German army press, the event was “extremely enjoyable;” it was accompanied with music by a 30-piece regiment orchestra, and beer, sausage, sandwiches, ice-cream, raspberries and cherries were sold. It closed with a “small dance,” raising 7,387 rubles or 9,850 German marks in donations ( note 1 ). Later that summer, a Ludendorff Festival in Halbstadt began with Sunday worship, followed by an early concert, games and performances by the Selbstschutz , as well as “entertainment and merriment of every kind,” with short plays and dancing into the morning ( note ...

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation. In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name ( note 1 ).  On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers ( Zahlen ) from the church hymnal” ( note 2 ). Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote: “Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flo...