Skip to main content

"Petitioning" to become a teacher in the 1860s

School attendance for Russian Mennonite boys and girls aged (6)7 to 14 was obligatory. The attendance lists, for example, are keys that have unblocked many a genealogical impasse (note 1). But an understanding of the developments in the Mennonite schools as such is also indispensable for the stories of those families, their villages and of Mennonites in their context.

In short, the momentum of school reform did not abate with Johann Cornies’ death in 1848. However we soon enter a period of “archival darkness.” Only a few pieces exist from this era which I have transcribed (more below; see selected pics).

As we know, education in the Mennonite colonies happened from the outset, but was largely dismal or at least very uneven (note 2). This changed when the Guardianship Committee for Foreign Colonists gave oversight of Molotschna’s schools to the powerful Agricultural Society and Cornies, its chairman for life in 1843. Many a school was reconstructed to become roomier and brighter, and was better equipped and maintained. Village teachers too were better resourced, with a more uniform curriculum and schedule. While there was no formal pedagogical training, teaching apprenticeships became common, and participation in monthly seminars for professional development required.

After Cornies’ death, his son-in-law Philipp Wiebe took on the role until 1855. Wiebe aimed to ensure that a teacher was paid “so that he can live properly, feed himself without being anxious, clothe himself properly and keep himself warm,” that is, without the need of taking on a second job (note 3). Teachers’ stature rose in the community: they were to be well-dressed and lead exemplary lives, but hardly any had pedagogical training. “We lacked an appropriate educational institution, a teacher training college. If education is to flourish, the teacher must have had the opportunity to train as a pedagogue. … Our central schools of the forties and fifties could not fully satisfy this need” (note 4).

When Wiebe resigned in 1855 for health reasons, Cornies’ brother David became chairman of the “Molotschna Society for the Advancement of Schools” (under the Agricultural Society chair) followed in 1862 by the wealthy Steinbach estate owner Peter Schmidt.

While Braun can confirm that both were faithful, enlightened promoters of education, “there is little material in archives from the [David] Cornies – Schmidt period,” that is, until the 1869 creation of the “Molotschna Board of Education.”

The Peter J. Braun Archive however includes a few records--in particular correspondence related to the examination of teacher candidates which I have tried to transcribe (note 5).

The “Molotschna Society for the Advancement of Schools” deliberated on regulations concerning the examination of teacher candidates. The conference of church elders and ministers also had a role in the examination. The exam itself, as far as can be ascertained, consisted of biblical history, reading, spelling, and arithmetic. Russian language competency was not yet required. A commission of two church leaders and two educational leaders reported the results of the examination to the Society with the signatures of all members present. Here is a sample:

“As a result of today's examination of the eight school teacher candidates, we hereby report to the Society that three of them, namely Heinrich Gooßen from Marienthal, Johann Esau from Halbstadt, and Peter Dyck from Muntau--who has really worked on his knowledge since his first examination, and should be given preference in our opinion--will try to improve themselves more and more, and should be accepted for which we wish them the Lord's richest blessing and His grace from the bottom of our hearts.

The others are so weak in every respect that there is little hope for them. [my emphasis -ANF]

[Signed] Halbstadt, Jan. 23, 1863. August Lenzmann, Elder; Dirk Warkentin, Elder; Gust. Rempel, District school teacher; B. Harder, Teacher”

The society was intent to set and keep the bar high. Exams were also held the next January:

“As a result of today's examination, we hereby report to the association that the candidates Johann Unrau, Johann Bekker, Peter Löwen, Jakob Nikkel, Martin Hübert and Peter Reimer, who appeared for examination, are still rather weak in their knowledge; the first five however should be able to advance with further training. However we strongly recommend that Martin Hübert work to specifically improve his arithmetic skills; and we recommend that Peter Reimer be directed to continue to work on all subject areas.

[Signed] Halbstadt, January 17, 1864; Church Elder Dirk Warkentin; Church Elder Bernhard Peters; District Teacher Gust. Rempel; Teacher B. Harder”

Teacher candidates applied (Nov./Dec.) for formal examination (January) and placement. Their letters of application were simple; typically they outlined their desire for teaching and private preparation, more than any skill or training.

Jacob Nickel of Muntau wrote the Society that he would like to be examined and take on a school in the next year "because I have felt a drive to be a school teacher within me for several years."

Peter Löwen of Muntau, however wrote in November 1863 that he had prepared for 2 years in the Halbstadt Bezirksschule [Central school] and the desire to become a teacher has grown within him. He asks the Society to be offered a placement in one of the expected openings. Martin Hiebert, Neukirch, feels like he would like to teach, has expanded his knowledge and would like to be considered. 


Peter Reimer of Tiegerweide wrote to Chairman Schmidt in December 1863:

“Driven by desire and love for school matters, I am continue to occupy myself with this collection. Although I am still lacking in higher academics, I intend to attend the local school punctually until vacation time, and will participate in the evening lessons by the local school teacher. I hope with God's help, with diligence and activity, to acquire the necessary school knowledge in all subjects by the time of the examination. For this reason I present the honourable Society with this humble request to give me permission to offer assistance to a school (as teacher).”

Jacob Neufeld of Alexanderkrone who has not yet graduated also asks for a school, but preferably one that is too large school. The folder includes a list of those examined in 1864; Neufeld did not pass.

Peter Braun of Lichtfelde wrote the following to the chair in November 1863:

“Most sincere request! Since I have had a desire and love for schooling for several years, but have held back because of my poor level of knowledge. This winter however I am apprenticing with my brother in Lichtfelde, and I intend to perfect this, and I think that by Spring of 1864 I will have come so far as to be able to serve a small or medium-sized village school with God's help. I turn to the honourable Society with the request that, after prior examination, you will help me so that I can take on a school position." (Marginal note: "Zurückgeblieben" [did not proceed]).

From Münsterberg Jacob Heidebrecht wrote the Society that his family situation had changed and he believes that he is now able to take on the role of a teacher. Johann Becker, Franzthal, seeks the same, and promises that he will study and learn more.

The folder also includes a request from the new Mennonite settlements in Crimea, preferably someone connected to Gnadenfeld. Chairman Peter Schmidt recommended Johann Unrau of Prangenau, who however declined:

"Regarding the letter I received from the Society concerning the position of school teacher in Crimea, I would like to inform you that I have decided not to take it on, because I feel in myself that I do not have enough knowledge to take on the position of school teacher completely, and that I would not yet be able to make much progress in Crimea because, as I said, there are only few or almost no learned school teachers from whom I could receive instruction.

So I also request from the Society to assist me all the more in order to be able to take over a school position somewhere in the Molotschna Colony, for which I will diligently strive with God's help to acquire the knowledge still required for this purpose. This is the sincere wish of your most devoted servant, Johann Unrau, Prangeneau, July 5 [1863]."

Gerhard Goossen wrote a short letter to Schmidt as well indicating that he was no longer wanted as teacher in Fischau and asks the Society chair for another placement (Nov. 1863).

The correspondence preserved from this era on educational matters suggests that the role of teacher in the community was evolving into a desired, respectable community role requiring application and some competency. The role was regulated and also compensated fairly (more or less)—whereas in the pre-Cornies era this was not the case in most villages.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Cf. the Glenn H. Penner’s “Guide to the available Molotschna Settlement School Registers,” https://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/russia/Molotschna_School_Lists_Guide.pdf.

Note 2: See previous posts, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/mennonite-literacy-in-polish-prussia.html.

Note 3: Peter J. Braun, Der Molotschnaer Mennoniten-Schulrat, 1869–1919. Zum Gedenktag seines 50jährigen Bestehens, edited by Wladimir Süss (Göttingen: Göttinger Arbeitskreis, 2001 [1920 manuscript]), 28. See also idem, “The Educational System of the Mennonite Colonies in South Russia,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 3, no. 3 (July 1929), 169–182; idem, “Education among the Mennonites in Russia,” GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Education_Among_the_Mennonites_in_Russia. See also Leonhard Froese, “Das pädagogische Kultursystem der mennonitischen Siedlungsgruppe in Russland,” PhD dissertation (University of Göttingen, 1949). See also idem, “Schulwesen der Mennoniten in Rußland,” Mennonitisches Lexikon, Bd. 4, ed. Gerhard Hein et al. (Baden: Schneider, 1967), 109-114; 111.

Note 4: Abraham Görz, Die Schulen in den Mennoniten-Kolonien an der Molotschna im südlichen Russland (Berdjansk: Molotschner Mennoniten-Kirchenkonvent 1882), 5f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/?file=Pis/Goerz.pdf.

Note 5: File 1961, “Society for Advancement of Schools: Reports and Correspondence, 1863-64,” Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive, 1803-1920. Robarts Library, University of Toronto. All of the correspondence noted in this post are transcribed and translated from this file the author --ANF.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Quiet in the Land: Peter Fast, 1932-2010

My father Peter Fast passed away in January 2010. The years have given me many opportunities to reflect on his life and impact. He was a gentle and good person--and could work like horse. He was born into poverty in 1932 in Paraguay. His parents were pioneers, first in Fernheim and then (1937) in Friesland. He liked to tell me that he ate manioc root for breakfast, lunch and dinner. I was never sure if that was true, and it didn’t help to convince me to eat things I didn’t like. His mother died when he was fourteen; the basic medical aid she needed was out of reach. His new step-mother was a complex person who made life difficult for him and others. Dad only finished the 6th grade in Friesland. He was more than happy to get off the school bench and onto a horse. I don’t think I ever saw him write a complete sentence in my life, whether in English or in German. He had no interest in history, let alone reading—though over time he read the local city paper. Nothing I’ve written on...

Jews and Mennonites Together in Danzig's Suburbs

There has been very little reflection on the relationship of Jews and Mennonites in the suburb of Schottland (or Alt-Schottland or Stare Szkoty) where Mennonites first settled in the mid-1500s. Here Mennonites and Jews lived in the small community together for two centuries, quite literally on the margins outside the gates of the city of Danzig. Many historic maps that include Alt Schottland have become available in recent years ( note 1; pic ). H.G. Mannhardt’s book on the Danzig Mennonite church community plus some archival membership lists are our best sources for the Mennonite experience, while illustrations from the day bring many of those episodes of prosperity, repressions, war, plague, emigration, flooding etc. in an urban environment to life ( note 2 ). Peter J. Klassen’s writings on Mennonites in Poland and Prussia also present newer research on Mennonite life in and around Danzig in helpful ways ( note 3 ). There is one small sentence in Klassen’s larger volume that sugg...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

"They are useful to the state." An almost forgotten Prussian view of Mennonites, ca. 1780s-90s

In 1787 Mennonite interest for emigration was extremely strong outside the quasi independent City of Danzig in the Prussian annexed Marienwerder and Elbing regions. Even before the land scouts Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner had returned from Russia later that year, so many Mennonite exit applications had flooded offices that officials wrote Berlin in August 1787 for direction ( note 1a ). Initially officials did not see a problem: because Mennonites do not provide soldiers, the cantons lose nothing by their departure, and in fact benefit from the ten-percent tax imposed on financial assets leaving the state.  Ludwig von Baczko (1756-1823), Professor of History at the Artillery Academy in Königsberg, East Prussia, was the general editor of a series that included a travelogue through Prussia written by a certain Karl Ephraim Nanke. Nanke had no special love for Mennonites, but was generally balanced in his judgements and based his now almost forgotten account of Mennonites on perso...

The Politics of Map-Making: A "Mennonite Map"

Maps are political artifacts. Russia or Ukraine?  A late nineteenth-century map of “German Settlements and Presence throughout History” offers a good example from the Mennonite settlements ( note 1 ). It was based on the German Colonial Atlas of Paul Langhans ( note 2 ). Langhans was the most important mapmaker and promoter of German settlements around the globe; he continued this work of “pan-Germanism” well into the Nazi era ( note 3 ). Already in the nineteenth century, more than one Russian journalist claimed that Russian Germans—including Mennonites in Russia—promoted pan-Germanism in their schools and spread hatred against Russia ( note 4 ). The consequences on the ground were harsh: Johannes H. Janzen—a geography instructor in the Mennonite high school in Ohrloff—who was known “to love the Russian people and Fatherland more than most of his contemporaries,” was placed under “serious suspicion of treason” for an instructional map ( note 5 ) he made of the Molotschna Mennoni...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...