Skip to main content

"Judeo-Bolshevism" thesis and Mennonites in Ukraine, 1941-44

In 1941 with a young adult population almost fully ignorant of their faith tradition and bitter about their family lot, there is no reason to doubt that many easily adapted their worldviews to the novel Nazi claim that linked Jews as a whole with “anti-Christian Bolshevism,” and complied with the new regime—as others had done under communism.

The first outcome of occupation newspapers in Ukraine was for worldview training. Multiple copies of the German Nazi daily newspaper Deutsch-Ukraine Zeitung were circulated in each Mennonite village beginning early in 1942, complemented by the weekly Ukraine Post which published its first isu on July 18, 1942. In some villages these newspapers were the only German reading materials available (note 1).

The Ukraine Post reported on the German settlements—including Molotschna and Chortitza—and reinforced in almost every issue the foundational message that “Bolshevism equals Judaism,” that the Soviet Union is a “state of Jews,” and wherever Bolshevism arises, it is only as a storm-trooper of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy to enslave and exploit (note 2). Lengthy columns by Professor Dr. Johann von Leers, a high-ranking official in the Ministry of Propaganda, were notoriously anti-Semitic.

“If earlier wars were fought between princes and their armies, this war has become a war of the peoples (Völker): … If the Jew wins, then all who are of German blood will be destroyed, sterilized, tortured to death, slaughtered. If we win, then Judaism will—according to the words of the Führer—be eradicated (ausgerottet) from the world.” (Note 3)

“The Jew is the primordial evil in the world, completely satanic and devilish—we are now fighting this fight against him until his ultimate end. That is why this fight has become so hard and so ruthless. The Jew wants our blood and the blood of our children, and we want his destruction (Vernichtung) in Europe. In between, there is no compromise.” (Note 4)

The official propaganda from von Leers alone was inescapable in the Mennonites villages in Ukraine and designed to be compelling. Von Leers tells his readers that “Judaism is the devil in human form, criminality incarnated, and the expulsion of these ‘servants of Satan’ from all countries is an imperative of justice and self-protection of decent peoples” (note 5). The war itself is ultimately explicable by Jews in Washington, Moscow, and London. “There would be no war without Roosevelt—a half-Jew under the influence of world Judaism,” according to von Leers (note 6). The Red Army too “upsets the order of life among other nations in order to bring their property into the hands of the Jews” (note 7).

Many of the anti-Semitic articles were designed to provide ethnic Germans with an explanatory framework for their years of suffering in the Soviet Union. Von Leers tells his readers that “when the half-Jew Lenin and the full-Jew Trotsky together with their Jewish accomplices smelled opportunity and seized the government, their merciless destruction of the people revealed the true Jewish soul as thirst for human blood and diabolical mockery of the human disposition” (note 8). That “most brutal exploitation of workers” which ethnic Germans had endured was “in the interests of the Jewish potentates in Moscow” (note 9). The Ukraine Post published testimonials and photographs of Soviet-era torture chambers with the claim that “such methods” of torture “can only be devised by a Jewish-Oriental mind” (note 10). One columnist twisted a biblical verse into his rationale for the annihilation of Jews: “What did Moses say in Deuteronomy 7:16? ‘You shall consume all the peoples whom the LORD your God gives over to you. Show them no mercy ... !’ However in the end it will be the Jewish people, who will be consumed!” (note 11).

For years already, the Office of the Propaganda Ministry in Germany had issued daily press directives on what may or may not be said on any issue, whose speeches should be reprinted, which themes should be exploited for maximum impact on German readership—e.g., a Jewish connection to anything that is contemptuous—and especially with regard to the Soviet Union. For example, in 1938 German newspapers were not to show anti-Semitism in Soviet-Russia—which in other contexts Germany would exploit—but rather to display the violence of “intra-Jewish cliques” (note 12); international communist rebels in 1935 were not to be referred to as “Russians,” but as “Bolshevik Jews” (note 13) or “Bolshevik hordes” (note 14). Five years later and during war, German occupation newspapers were entirely Party controlled with targeted anti-Semitic propaganda.

Over twenty-five weeks the Ukraine Post outlined and winningly explained the twenty-five planks of the Nazi Party platform to its Volk German readership, with the fourth instalment on the racial unity of the German Volk on October 24, 1942 (note 15). Pseudo-scientific beliefs about blood purity were deemed to be critical for understanding the “why” of German cultural achievement or decline, and it gave a rationale for Germany’s rejection of universal human rights.

“A people can only attain high achievements if it keeps its blood pure. … A mixture of German blood with Jewish blood leads to a reduction in the achievements of our people and thus to racial decline and finally to collapse.” (Note 16)

The article connected this party plank with Hitler’s 1935 Nuremberg Race Laws that sought to “eliminate the influence of Jewry on the racial value of the German people.” This required that “every German must be able to prove that there are no Jews among his ancestors [see the later EWZ naturalization forms filled out by Mennonites from Ukraine in Warthegau]. … Only he who has German blood in his veins can think, feel, and act German. He is free from the bad qualities inherent in the Jewish race” (note 17).

Goebbels’s October 1941 intention to increase anti-Semitic propaganda in the newly occupied eastern territories was an extension of the themes he had repeated since his infamous 1936 address, “Communism with the Mask off”—namely, that a Jewish minority was the terrorist power behind the Russian Revolution and contemporary Bolshevism; that international Bolshevism was nothing less than international Jewry; that both were joined in a satanic battle against human civilization itself to control world politics; and that both must be met with the same ruthless and even brutal means. The address was even reprinted in the Canadian Russian Mennonite paper Der Bote in 1936 (note 18).

While this form of anti-Semitism was not wholly new in Russia, German propaganda offered a new interpretive framework for the cause of Mennonite suffering which as planned fueled latent local Christian anti-Semitism (note 19).

Regime-coherent answers by Mennonites were encouraged and cited in the Ukraine Post: “the Jews tortured us the most,” soldiers were told by one Volksdeutsche woman (note 20). In their 1942 village reports, ethnic German mayors and teachers were asked to give detailed “descriptive reports of arrests, incarcerations, maltreatments, persecutions, and the like.” Where a known Jew was involved, it was highlighted. Twenty-two of thirty-three families in the village of Schöndorf, Borosenko (Rayon Friesendorf) were missing the male head, for example. Their 1942 official village report included a survivor account which repeated three times that the interrogator and torturer of some was a Jew (note 21). In neighbouring Heuboden, it was “a Jewish supervisor” who whipped the women and older men on to dig trenches to thwart the German advance (note 22). In Nikolaidorf, 44-year-old Johann Buller was “discovered and shot dead by a Jewish commissar” when he escaped arrest just outside his village immediately prior to the arrival of German troops (note 23). From Nieder Chortitza, Mennonite village Mayor Redekop reported July 1942 that their Jewish manager “had a brother who came to help” with the evacuation. “They were all armed and because they were Jews everyone was afraid.” The evacuation was accompanied by the “military, GPU [secret police] and Jews” (note 24). Another village report noted that “immediately after the arrival of the German troops there was calm again, and everyone began to breathe easy, even the Ukrainian population was happy to be saved from Jewish yoke” (note 25). And the Schönhorst (Rayon Chortitza) village report noted that until recently they had had “a wind orchestra and sixteen instruments, but these were taken when the Jews fled the village” (note 26). The village reporter for Gnadental (Sofiewka) recalled how they when war was declared: “Either we are now completely lost, or we will finally be freed from Judeo-Bolshevik slavery by Germany” (note 27). It was not unusual for a report to be signed with exuberant praise: “Heil to the Liberator and Führer, Adolf Hitler!,” as Mayor Redekop concluded his report, stamped with an official village swastika seal and the signature of the regional administrator for Special Commando Dr. Stumpp, Gerhard Fast (note 28).

It is estimated that a half-million Jews were murdered in Nazi-occupied Ukraine alone (note 29). How does one begin to understand the inexplicable? Hitler and his propagandists found understanding and some support in Ukraine among Mennonites for the call to cleanse the world of all that is decrepit and to unmask all that is degenerate and evil, in order to purify and perfect the Volk and to inaugurate a joyous new age. James Rhodes likens this to a modern, secular apocalyptic movement (note 30).

Minimally it is possible to say that a majority of Soviet Mennonites were silent, fearful observers as local Jews fled, sought refuge or were gathered to be executed. Some were ideologically convinced or set on finding revenge. The sources certainly show deep prejudice and broad agreement with the tone of official propaganda, though they fall short of documenting actions taken.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Link for newspapers referenced below:

Link for “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp” referenced below:

Note 1: “Hunger nach dem Deutschen Wort,” Ukraine Post, no. 12 (October 3, 1942), 3f.

Note 2: “Bolschewismus = Judentum,” Ukraine Post, no. 14 (October, 17, 1942), 4. Similarly, “Vom Ziel dieses Krieges,” Ukraine Post, no. 21 (December 5, 1943), 1f.

Note 3: “Judas Kriegsziel,” Ukraine Post, no. 15 (October, 24, 1942), 1.

Note 4: “Die dunkle Spur des Judentums: Warum ist unser Kampf so hart und schonungslos?,” Ukraine Post, no. 22 (December 12, 1942), 4; similarly: “Vor dem Angesicht Jahwes,” Ukraine Post, no. 19 (May 15, 1943), 3.

Note 5: Johann von Leers, “Tod der Tausend Qualen,” Ukraine Post, no. 16 (April 24, 1943), 3.

Note 6: Johann von Leers, “Schachfiguren Judas,” Ukraine Post,” no. 11 (March 20, 1943), 8.

Note 7: Johann von Leers, “Kulturträger, Made in USA,” Ukraine Post, no. 21 (May 29, 1943), 4.

Note 8: Rudolf Dammert, “Juden auf Bauernjagd: Ihr Weg aus dem Getto zur Macht,” Ukraine Post, no. 9 (September 12, 1942), 2.

Note 9: “Volksgemeinschaft statt Klassenkampf,” Ukraine Post, no. 7 (February 20, 1943), 4.

Note 10: “Folterkammer 7, 8, 9: Inquisitionen in den Gefängnissen,” Ukraine Post, no. 24 (June 19, 1943), 3.

Note 11: “‘Du wirst alle Völker zehren’: Jüdische Massenmorde in der Geschichte,” Ukraine Post, no. 26 (July 3, 1943), 4; “Trotz schwerer Prüfungen: Volksdeutsche Bauern packen wieder an,” Ukraine Post no. 26 (July 3, 1943), 7.

Note 12: Karen Peter, N-S Presseanweisungen der Vorkriegszeit 6, no. 1, Quellentexte Januar bis April, 1938 (Berlin: Saur, 2013), 207.

Note 13: Gabriele Toepser-Ziegert, ed., N-S Presseanweisungen der Vorkriegszeit 3, no. 2, 1935 (New York: Saur, 1984–2001), 800.

Note 14: Karen Peter, N-S Presseanweisungen der Vorkriegszeit 5, no. 1, Quellentexte Januar bis April, 1937 (Berlin: Saur, 2015), 491; cf. also 394, 509, etc.

Note 15: “Die 25 Punkte: Das Programm der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP),” Ukraine Post, no. 15 (October 24, 1942), 4.

Note 16: “Die 25 Punkte (no. 4),” Ukraine Post, no. 15 (October 24, 1942), 4.

Note 17: “Die 25 Punkte (no. 4),” Ukraine Post, no. 15 (October 24, 1942), 4.

Note 18: Cf. Joseph Goebbels, “Communism with the Mask Off. Speech delivered in Nurnberg on September 13, 1935 at the Seventh National Socialist Party Congress” (Berlin: Müller, 1935), https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/goeb58.htm; Jonathan F. Wagner, Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in Canada (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University, 1981), 108; Der Bote, October and November 1936 issues.

Note 19: Cf. Wendy Lower, “Hitler’s ‘Garden of Eden’ in Ukraine: Nazi Colonialism, Volksdeutsche, and the Holocaust, 1941–1944,” in Gray Zones: Ambiguity and Compromise in the Holocaust and its Aftermath, edited by Jonathan Petropoulos and John Roth (New York: Berghahn, 2006), 191f.

Note 20: “‘… daß ihr endlich da seid:’ Volksdeutsche umjubeln unsere Soldaten,” Ukraine Post, no. 24 (Weihnachten 1942), 8; this woman lived in the Caucasus region, were some Mennonite Brethren churches were planted.

Note 21: Schöndorf (Rayon Friesendorf), Dorfbericht, August 1942, Fragebogen Nr. XI.5, 9, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6 GSK file 702b, Mappe 180, 97.

Note 22: Heuboden (Rayon Friesendorf), Dorfbericht, August 1942, Fragebogen Nr. XI.6, 10,” BA R6 GSK file 623, Mappe 170, 156b.

Note 23: Nikolaifeld (Rayon Kronau), Dorfbericht, March 1942, Fragebogen Nr. XI.6, 10, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6 GSK, file 620, Mappe 39, 352b.

Note 24: Nieder Chortitza (Rayon Chortitza) Dorfbericht, July 1942, Fragebogen Nr. XI.6, 10b, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6 GSK, file 705, Mappe 100, 37.

Note 25: Friesendorf (Rayon Friesendorf) Dorfbericht, July 1942, Fragebogen Nr. XI.6, 10, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6 GSK, file 623, Mappe 169, 106b.

Note 26: Schönhorst (Rayon Chortitza) Dorfbericht, June 1942, Fragebogen Nr. VII.e, 4, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6 GSK R6 GSK, file 622, Mappe 92, 160b.

Note 27: “Gnadental (Rayon Sofiewka) Dorfbericht,” May 1942,” Fragebogen XI.6, 10 (469b), “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BArch R6/623, Mappe 182.

Note 28: Nieder Chortitza (Rayon Chortitza) Dorfbericht, July 1942, Fragebogen Nr. XI.6, 10b, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6 GSK, file 705, Mappe 100, 37.

Note 29: Cf. Dieter Pohl, “Just How Many? On the Death Toll of Jewish Victims of Nazi Crimes,” in Denial of the Denial, or the Battle of Auschwitz: Debates about the Demography and Geopolitics of the Holocaust, edited by Alfred Kokh and Pavel Polian, (Brighton, MA: Academic Studies, 2011), 139.

Note 30: James M. Rhodes, The Hitler Movement: A Modern Millenarian Revolution (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1980), 198.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "The 'Judeo-Bolshevism' thesis and Mennonites in Ukraine, 1941-44," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), June 11, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/06/judeo-bolshevism-thesis-and-mennonites.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

On Becoming the Quiet in the Land

They are fair questions: “What happened to the firebrands of the Reformation? How did the movement become so withdrawn--even "dour and unexciting,” according to one historian? Mennonites originally referred to themselves as the “quiet in the land” in contrast to the militant--definitely more exciting--militant revolutionaries of Münster ( note 1 ), and identification with Psalm 35:19f.: “Let not my enemies gloat over me … For they do not speak peace, but they devise deceitful schemes against those who live quietly in the land.” How did Mennonites become the “quiet in the land” in Royal Prussia? Minority non-citizen groups in Poland like Jews, Scots, Huguenots or the much smaller body of Mennonites did not enjoy full political or economic rights as citizens. Ecclesial and civil laws left linguistic or religious minorities vulnerable to extortion. Such groups sought to negotiate a Privilegium or charter with the king, which set out a legal basis for some protections of life an...

School Reports, 1890s

Mennonite memoirs typically paint a golden picture of schools in the so-called “golden era” of Mennonite life in Russia. The official “Reports on Molotschna Schools: 1895/96 and 1897/98,” however, give us a more lackluster and realistic picture ( note 1 ). What do we learn from these reports? Many schools had minor infractions—the furniture did not correspond to requirements, there were insufficient book cabinets, or the desks and benches were too old and in need of repair. The Mennonite schoolhouses in Halbstadt and Rudnerweide—once recognized as leading and exceptional—together with schools in Friedensruh, Fürstenwerder, Franzthal, and Blumstein were deemed to be “in an unsatisfactory state.” In other cases a new roof and new steps were needed, or the rooms too were too small, too dark, too cramped, or with moist walls. More seriously in some villages—Waldheim, Schönsee, Fabrikerwiese, and even Gnadenfeld, well-known for its educational past—inspectors recorded that pupils “do not ...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...