Skip to main content

"The front is coming!" War Ends for Refugees, April 1945

The Molotschna/Gnadenfeld trek leader Jacob A. Neufeld was distraught at the thought of an imminent German defeat: “Thus far the German leaders have accomplished remarkable things. … Should they fail in the end after so many years of desperate economic and military struggle? Oh no, no, surely that cannot be!” (note 1).

In the early months of 1945, western regions of the Reich were obligated to take in ethnic German refugees; the quota was determined based on the ratio of occupants to the available living space. Many of the Molotschna / Gnadenfeld refugees who had successfully escaped advancing Soviet troops in Warthegau (annexed Poland) were designated for the Municipality of Hermannsburg, District of Celle in Lower Saxony, about 300 kilometres west of Berlin.

Helene Bräul (my grandmother) and her two daughters were sent to a Hilmer family in the village of Bonstorf; population: 280 (1939). This region had been deeply shaped by the 19th century Pietist revivalism and strict moralism of the Lutheran pastor and mission-pioneer Louis Harms (note 2). None of the refugees in the Hilmer home, for example, were to work on Sundays and all shared in family devotions. Helene found it curious that she was not even allowed to darn socks after midnight on Saturday.Bonstorf also sheltered families bombed from their homes in Hamburg in 1943 and Hannover in 1944, as well as 30 Dutch women and children whose men had joined the Nazi effort. However the larger influx of refugees in 1945 stretched all resources. The farmhouses were not designed for multiple family units—each with “only one kitchen and relatively few bedrooms” (note 4).

The numbers of children in the village school more than doubled pre-war enrollments, from 62 in 1939 to 143 in 1945 (note 3). Käthe Bräul (my mother) recalls that each pupil had use of a slate tablet and chalk pencil; but there were not enough desks, and many children had to sit on the floor.

Polish and French POWs were also part of the mix as agricultural labourers (note 5).

During this time everyone listened eagerly to radio reports to learn how the war was going and to get advance warning of “enemy” air squadrons. Sixty-six villagers had been conscripted, and one-third would never return (note 6).

As it became clear that Germany would soon be defeated, the Führer delivered a chilling eleventh-hour appeal over wireless radio calling “for all Germans, including young teenagers, to offer every possible form of guerrilla resistance to the enemy in occupied parts of Germany (note 7).

“Very young” Hungarian axis (child-) soldiers with no battle experience had been evacuated to the Bonstorf and region for military training. “All day long we could hear the explosion of hand-grenades and bazookas, as well the infantry's machine-gun fire from drilling grounds,” locals recalled (note 8).

On Sunday morning, April 15, 1945—two weeks after Easter—the young Hungarian soldiers marched through the village singing confidently yet unaware that allied tanks were fast approaching. In the afternoon Käthe and other children were playing on the street around the Memorial for Fallen Soldiers when one girl heard what sounded like deep thunder—though it was a sunny day. Suddenly sister Sara came running from the house shouting to the children, “The front is approaching!,” and that everyone should run home. Allied tanks shot in the direction of the young Hungarian soldiers ordered to defend the village on its southern edge, and then into the village where they detected resistance as the young Hungarians fled.

American troops soon entered the small village of Bonstorf and went house to house, setting several homes in fire. The Hilmer barn, located on their yard (Hof) across from their house, was being used by the German military as a depot for food supplies and was guarded by two soldiers. American intelligence knew this and set the barn on fire, flushing out the two soldiers. As the soldiers fled the barn, they were shot at from the house across the street and very badly wounded. Hans Hilmer ran out and pulled the two soldiers into his house. Käthe, only seven years old, witnessed everything from the window. Hilmer then instructed everyone into the potato cellar through the trap door in the kitchen for safety. Villagers were required to have enough air raid shelter space for all, and residents had practiced their use, including gas masks and first aid for years (note 9). They were all huddled in close quarters; it was very traumatic for Käthe to see the soldiers groaning and wrenching in pain, and everyone very afraid of what would happen next.The American soldiers entered and upon finding the root cellar door they opened it and ordered everyone out by gunpoint. They took the German soldiers and then proceeded to search the entire house. Everyone was very frightened. The Hilmer and Bräul families were then ordered back into the cellar—but only after they told the Americans where the family’s food supplies were. While huddled in the basement, the soldiers helped themselves to food and cooked a large meal in the kitchen and spent the night.

Bonstorf was now under Allied occupation and would become part of the British occupation zone for years to come.

On this same weekend Allied troops overran and took control of the entire region around Bonstorf. The village was only twenty kilometres from the notorious S.S.-run Bergen-Belsen Concentration Camp, where, only one month before the camp’s liberation the well-known fifteen-year-old Jewish diarist Anne Frank died of typhus (note 10). The accounts of what Allied soldiers found when they liberated the camp on April 15, 1945, are horrific.

Käthe remembers overhearing shocking descriptions given by the Hilmer girls, who were forced by the British to clean some of the buses in which enslaved and horribly abused Jews and other eastern Europeans had been transferred.

In this way—exactly two weeks after Easter—the war ended for this group of Gnadenfeld refugees.

---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Jacob A. Neufeld, Tiefenwege: Erfahrungen und Erlebnisse von Russland-Mennoniten in zwei Jahrzehnten bis 1949 (Virgil, ON: Niagara, 1958), 212f.

Note 2: Cf. Theodore Harms, Life Work of Pastor Louis Harms, translated by Mary E. Ireland (Philadelphia: Lutheran Publication Society, 1900), 51, https://archive.org/details/lifeworkpastorl00harmgoog. On Harms’ impact on the village, cf. Giesela Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg und in der Nachkriegszeit,” December 15, 1952, 1b. In Folder 295, no. 1, Archiv Landkreis Celle, Germany.

Note 3: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 4b.

Note 4: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 4.

Note 5: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 1b.

Note 6: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 2a, 2b.

Note 7: Waldemar Janzen, Growing up in Turbulent Times (Winnipeg, MB: CMU Press, 2007), 84.

Note 8: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 4b.

Note 9: Cf. Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 3, 5.

Note 10: Anne Frank was taken from her attic hideout in Amsterdam by the Nazis in August 1944, and became known around the world when her diaries were published after the war.

--

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “‘The front is coming!' War ends for refugees, April 1945,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 10, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/the-front-is-coming-war-ends-for.html.

 Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha...

Why study and write about Russian Mennonite history?

David G. Rempel’s credentials as an historian of the Russian Mennonite story are impeccable—he was a mentor to James Urry in the 1980s, for example, which says it all. In 1974 Rempel wrote an article on Mennonite historical work for an issue of the Mennonite Quarterly Review commemorating the arrival of Russian Mennonites to North America 100 years earlier ( note 1). In one section of the essay Rempel reflected on Mennonites’ general “lack of interest in their history,” and why they were so “exceedingly slow” in reflecting on their historic development in Russia with so little scholarly rigour. Rempel noted that he was not alone in this observation; some prominent Mennonites of his generation who had noted the same pointed an “extreme spirit of individualism” among Mennonites in Russia; the absence of Mennonite “authoritative voices,” both in and outside the church; the “relative indifference” of Mennonites to the past; “intellectual laziness” among many who do not wish to be distu...

Mennonite Literacy in Polish-Prussia

At a Mennonite wedding in Deutsch Kazun in 1833 (pic), neither groom nor bride nor the witnesses could sign the wedding register. A Görtz, a Janzen, a Schröder—born a Görtzen – illiterate. “This act was read to the married couple and witnesses, but not signed because they were unable to write.” Similarly, with the certification of a Mennonite death in Culm (Chelmo), West Prussia, 1813-14: “This document was read and it was signed by us because the witnesses were illiterate.” Spouse and children were unable to read or write. Names like Gerz, Plenert, Kliewer, Kasper, Buller and others. 14 families of the 25 Mennonite deaths registered --or 56%--could not sign the paperwork ( note 1 ; pic ). This appears to be an anomaly. We know some pioneers to Russia were well educated. The letters of the land-scout to Russia, Johann Bartsch to his wife back home (1786-87) are eloquent, beautifully written and indicate a high level of literacy ( note 2 ). Even Klaas Reimer (b. 1770), the founder t...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

Becoming German: Ludendorff Festivals in Molotschna, 1918

During the friendly German military occupation of Ukraine at the end of WWI, patriotic “Ludendorff Festivals” were encouraged by German forces to raise funds to support injured German soldiers. A first such festival in the Molotschna was held on June 25, 1918 in Ohrloff, and was attended by “a great many German officers, soldiers and colonists with music, [patriotic] speeches and social interaction” From the perspective of the German army press, the event was “extremely enjoyable;” it was accompanied with music by a 30-piece regiment orchestra, and beer, sausage, sandwiches, ice-cream, raspberries and cherries were sold. It closed with a “small dance,” raising 7,387 rubles or 9,850 German marks in donations ( note 1 ). Later that summer, a Ludendorff Festival in Halbstadt began with Sunday worship, followed by an early concert, games and performances by the Selbstschutz , as well as “entertainment and merriment of every kind,” with short plays and dancing into the morning ( note ...

Russo-Japanese War and the Mennonite Response, 1904-05

In February 1904, Russia declared war on Japan and Mennonite congregations sent the Tsar messages of loyalty, love and prayers. The large Lichtenau-Petershagen-Schönsee congregation in the Mennonite Molotschna Colony in today’s Ukraine led by 80-year-old Elder (Bishop) Jakob Töws expressed its “deep loyalty and love for the throne and the Fatherland” ( note 1 ). Similarly, the Mennonite Chortitza congregation declared that Mennonites bow “humbly before the Imperial Majesty with most faithful love and devotion,” and “together with all faithful subjects send their most passionate prayers and supplications to the Most High, that He may extend his mighty hand over the beloved Tsar and the Russian people, and that peace may soon be returned” ( note 2 ). The Einlage Mennonite Brethren congregation offered a similar statement, “inspired by feelings of boundless dedication to the Sovereign Fatherland,” with “passionate prayers” for the Tsar and Fatherland, based on 1 Timothy 2:1–4 ( note 3 ...