Skip to main content

"The front is coming!" War Ends for Refugees, April 1945

The Molotschna/Gnadenfeld trek leader Jacob A. Neufeld was distraught at the thought of an imminent German defeat: “Thus far the German leaders have accomplished remarkable things. … Should they fail in the end after so many years of desperate economic and military struggle? Oh no, no, surely that cannot be!” (note 1).

In the early months of 1945, western regions of the Reich were obligated to take in ethnic German refugees; the quota was determined based on the ratio of occupants to the available living space. Many of the Molotschna / Gnadenfeld refugees who had successfully escaped advancing Soviet troops in Warthegau (annexed Poland) were designated for the Municipality of Hermannsburg, District of Celle in Lower Saxony, about 300 kilometres west of Berlin.

Helene Bräul (my grandmother) and her two daughters were sent to a Hilmer family in the village of Bonstorf; population: 280 (1939). This region had been deeply shaped by the 19th century Pietist revivalism and strict moralism of the Lutheran pastor and mission-pioneer Louis Harms (note 2). None of the refugees in the Hilmer home, for example, were to work on Sundays and all shared in family devotions. Helene found it curious that she was not even allowed to darn socks after midnight on Saturday.Bonstorf also sheltered families bombed from their homes in Hamburg in 1943 and Hannover in 1944, as well as 30 Dutch women and children whose men had joined the Nazi effort. However the larger influx of refugees in 1945 stretched all resources. The farmhouses were not designed for multiple family units—each with “only one kitchen and relatively few bedrooms” (note 4).

The numbers of children in the village school more than doubled pre-war enrollments, from 62 in 1939 to 143 in 1945 (note 3). Käthe Bräul (my mother) recalls that each pupil had use of a slate tablet and chalk pencil; but there were not enough desks, and many children had to sit on the floor.

Polish and French POWs were also part of the mix as agricultural labourers (note 5).

During this time everyone listened eagerly to radio reports to learn how the war was going and to get advance warning of “enemy” air squadrons. Sixty-six villagers had been conscripted, and one-third would never return (note 6).

As it became clear that Germany would soon be defeated, the Führer delivered a chilling eleventh-hour appeal over wireless radio calling “for all Germans, including young teenagers, to offer every possible form of guerrilla resistance to the enemy in occupied parts of Germany (note 7).

“Very young” Hungarian axis (child-) soldiers with no battle experience had been evacuated to the Bonstorf and region for military training. “All day long we could hear the explosion of hand-grenades and bazookas, as well the infantry's machine-gun fire from drilling grounds,” locals recalled (note 8).

On Sunday morning, April 15, 1945—two weeks after Easter—the young Hungarian soldiers marched through the village singing confidently yet unaware that allied tanks were fast approaching. In the afternoon Käthe and other children were playing on the street around the Memorial for Fallen Soldiers when one girl heard what sounded like deep thunder—though it was a sunny day. Suddenly sister Sara came running from the house shouting to the children, “The front is approaching!,” and that everyone should run home. Allied tanks shot in the direction of the young Hungarian soldiers ordered to defend the village on its southern edge, and then into the village where they detected resistance as the young Hungarians fled.

American troops soon entered the small village of Bonstorf and went house to house, setting several homes in fire. The Hilmer barn, located on their yard (Hof) across from their house, was being used by the German military as a depot for food supplies and was guarded by two soldiers. American intelligence knew this and set the barn on fire, flushing out the two soldiers. As the soldiers fled the barn, they were shot at from the house across the street and very badly wounded. Hans Hilmer ran out and pulled the two soldiers into his house. Käthe, only seven years old, witnessed everything from the window. Hilmer then instructed everyone into the potato cellar through the trap door in the kitchen for safety. Villagers were required to have enough air raid shelter space for all, and residents had practiced their use, including gas masks and first aid for years (note 9). They were all huddled in close quarters; it was very traumatic for Käthe to see the soldiers groaning and wrenching in pain, and everyone very afraid of what would happen next.The American soldiers entered and upon finding the root cellar door they opened it and ordered everyone out by gunpoint. They took the German soldiers and then proceeded to search the entire house. Everyone was very frightened. The Hilmer and Bräul families were then ordered back into the cellar—but only after they told the Americans where the family’s food supplies were. While huddled in the basement, the soldiers helped themselves to food and cooked a large meal in the kitchen and spent the night.

Bonstorf was now under Allied occupation and would become part of the British occupation zone for years to come.

On this same weekend Allied troops overran and took control of the entire region around Bonstorf. The village was only twenty kilometres from the notorious S.S.-run Bergen-Belsen Concentration Camp, where, only one month before the camp’s liberation the well-known fifteen-year-old Jewish diarist Anne Frank died of typhus (note 10). The accounts of what Allied soldiers found when they liberated the camp on April 15, 1945, are horrific.

Käthe remembers overhearing shocking descriptions given by the Hilmer girls, who were forced by the British to clean some of the buses in which enslaved and horribly abused Jews and other eastern Europeans had been transferred.

In this way—exactly two weeks after Easter—the war ended for this group of Gnadenfeld refugees.

---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Jacob A. Neufeld, Tiefenwege: Erfahrungen und Erlebnisse von Russland-Mennoniten in zwei Jahrzehnten bis 1949 (Virgil, ON: Niagara, 1958), 212f.

Note 2: Cf. Theodore Harms, Life Work of Pastor Louis Harms, translated by Mary E. Ireland (Philadelphia: Lutheran Publication Society, 1900), 51, https://archive.org/details/lifeworkpastorl00harmgoog. On Harms’ impact on the village, cf. Giesela Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg und in der Nachkriegszeit,” December 15, 1952, 1b. In Folder 295, no. 1, Archiv Landkreis Celle, Germany.

Note 3: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 4b.

Note 4: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 4.

Note 5: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 1b.

Note 6: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 2a, 2b.

Note 7: Waldemar Janzen, Growing up in Turbulent Times (Winnipeg, MB: CMU Press, 2007), 84.

Note 8: Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 4b.

Note 9: Cf. Meyer, “Bonstorf: Unser Dorf im Krieg,” 3, 5.

Note 10: Anne Frank was taken from her attic hideout in Amsterdam by the Nazis in August 1944, and became known around the world when her diaries were published after the war.

--

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “‘The front is coming!' War ends for refugees, April 1945,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 10, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/the-front-is-coming-war-ends-for.html.

 Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

School Reports, 1890s

Mennonite memoirs typically paint a golden picture of schools in the so-called “golden era” of Mennonite life in Russia. The official “Reports on Molotschna Schools: 1895/96 and 1897/98,” however, give us a more lackluster and realistic picture ( note 1 ). What do we learn from these reports? Many schools had minor infractions—the furniture did not correspond to requirements, there were insufficient book cabinets, or the desks and benches were too old and in need of repair. The Mennonite schoolhouses in Halbstadt and Rudnerweide—once recognized as leading and exceptional—together with schools in Friedensruh, Fürstenwerder, Franzthal, and Blumstein were deemed to be “in an unsatisfactory state.” In other cases a new roof and new steps were needed, or the rooms too were too small, too dark, too cramped, or with moist walls. More seriously in some villages—Waldheim, Schönsee, Fabrikerwiese, and even Gnadenfeld, well-known for its educational past—inspectors recorded that pupils “do not ...

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948. The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” ( note 1 ). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God. In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth ...

On Becoming the Quiet in the Land

They are fair questions: “What happened to the firebrands of the Reformation? How did the movement become so withdrawn--even "dour and unexciting,” according to one historian? Mennonites originally referred to themselves as the “quiet in the land” in contrast to the militant--definitely more exciting--militant revolutionaries of Münster ( note 1 ), and identification with Psalm 35:19f.: “Let not my enemies gloat over me … For they do not speak peace, but they devise deceitful schemes against those who live quietly in the land.” How did Mennonites become the “quiet in the land” in Royal Prussia? Minority non-citizen groups in Poland like Jews, Scots, Huguenots or the much smaller body of Mennonites did not enjoy full political or economic rights as citizens. Ecclesial and civil laws left linguistic or religious minorities vulnerable to extortion. Such groups sought to negotiate a Privilegium or charter with the king, which set out a legal basis for some protections of life an...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...