Skip to main content

Easter and Molotschna's First Ethnic German Cavalry Regiment of the Waffen-SS, 1942

For the two years of German occupation, 1941-43, the Molotschna Settlement area—renamed “Halbstadt” after its largest village—was under S.S. (Schutzstaffel) control. During this time, new National Socialist ceremonies and liturgies were introduced to the Mennonites in Ukraine, including Easter.

Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler named Halbstadt with its surrounding 144 villages a district commando. SS-Storm Unit Leader (Sturmbannführer) Hermann Roßner was appointed the Special Command R[ussia] leader for Halbstadt.

Halbstadt had Waffen-SS doctors, a Waffen-SS pharmacist team and pharmacy, hospital equipment from the medical offices of the Waffen-SS and soon a Waffen-SS cavalry self-defense regiment of some 500-plus Mennonite young men (note 1).Two of my uncles became members of the cavalry unit; a later, long-time lay minister in my home congregation was in the regiment as well.

SS-celebrations for “Easter” were deliberately non-religious and anti-Christian, though careful not to tread heavily on the sensibilities of ethnic Germans. While the SS-rituals were not really substitute religious or mystical practices, they developed and performed powerful liturgical practices steeped in (apparent) ancient Germanic feasts and German Volk practice.

Notably the psychological-spiritual care of Waffen-SS soldiers as well as their ceremonies were without field chaplains; this did not go unnoticed. “There were no pastors [chaplains] in the S.S. formations as there were in the regular army units,” as one former member noted (note 2).

Arguably all of these young men were broken. Mennonite congregational life in Ukraine—including worship, mutual aid, and faith instruction—had been systematically dismantled by 1933. Almost all cavalry members were born in the post-revolutionary Bolshevik era. Church elders, ministers, deacons and—by 1938—the majority of middle-aged Mennonite men had been exiled or executed. Most Mennonites who joined the cavalry had lost their fathers, had seen their mothers terrorized, overworked and largely removed from the home, and had been encouraged by teachers to distrust their “German” Mennonite neighbours and elders with pre-revolutionary memories or perspectives.

As young teens they survived the famine and lived in extreme material poverty (note 3). Cavalry members carried a distant memory of Mennonite church piety; as young children almost all would have learned simple prayers and children’s hymns, and many would have memorized some Bible stories (note 4). But none of the cavalry members would have had the ability, tools, leisure, memory or guidance needed to reflect biblically or theologically as Mennonites on war, Nazism and its ideology.

Commanders of SS-cavalry units filled the vacuum.

They were coached and even ordered by the Brigadeführer to become father, teacher, commander and chaplain to their soldiers. Surviving 1943 correspondence from two Brigadeführer commanders of the 8th SS-Cavalry Division “Florian Geyer”—to which the Mennonite squadron members would later belong—offers clear instructions for commanders working with ethnic German SS-Cavalry men.

SS-Brigadeführer Fritz Freitag was a meticulous coach to his commanders. In one of his special reminders in April 1943, Freitag wrote each of his unit commanders that Reichführer-SS Himmler “attaches the greatest importance” to “constant ideological instruction” and that unit commanders and staff “must always work for the welfare of the mind and soul of their men” (note 5).

“The unit leaders must be a constant influence on our men is crucial if the troops are to be fully reliable” (note 6). A good commander will be concerned to strengthen the self-confidence of the ethnic German, and “to bring them to the point where one can appeal more and more to their honour.”

Freitag required his unit leaders, for example, to plan for lectures, readings and lessons on the same weekly timetable as other aspects of soldiering was taught (note 7). Freitag required a unified curriculum that would hold the SS together.

Here are his recommendations for Easter with ethnic German cavalry men (note 8).

“Organization of celebrations. The special feast days and holidays of the German people are not intended to give the men days off duty merely as a change from their daily routine, but to celebrate them in a German-cultural-popular (volkstümliche) manner. This is true, first of all, of Easter and May Day, which are fast approaching ... To the extent that the customs and traditions that our ancestors used to observe on [this] feast in earlier centuries have already been forgotten, they should be revived. It should be pointed out that in the ethnic German settlement areas the old customs and traditions at Easter and May were still particularly well preserved and cultivated. Our men, and first and foremost again the ethnic Germans, expect to be spoken to about the meaning and significance of these festivals. The unit leaders therefore have to deal with these problems.

Easter. The time of spring, with all the hope and joy of a new beginning, holds many old customs, some misunderstood, some deliberately falsified, from the world of our Germanic ancestors. Easter, the feast of the resurrection of life, falls on the first Sunday after the spring full moon ... that Easter was a Germanic feast and was appropriated only by the Christian church for reasons of expediency. ...

The Easter egg, ancient symbol of life renewal, as the shell of young, new life, is an integral part of Easter.

The church was not able to eradicate the old Germanic customs. Instead, another meaning was attributed to them. Easter was made into the Jewish "Passover" festival. The awakening of nature became the resurrection of the crucified founder of the church.

In this context it must be said that the church among the ethnic Germans is to be addressed as a Volks- (peoples’) church, which has earned great merit for the preservation of German peoplehood (Volkstum). This also explains in part why our ethnic Germans are still very attached to their church.

But this is no reason not to speak openly about these questions with the ethnic Germans; rather, it is an obligation of the unit leader to deal with these questions thoroughly and until the men are convinced of the correctness of our position.”This rethinking of Easter and other Christian celebrations was also happening with the young women and men training to become teachers in the Mennonite/ethnic German village schools. Helene Dueck was in the SS-run pedagogical school led by a longtime "friend of Mennonites," S.S. Storm Unit Leader Karl Götz. Dueck recalled: “I hardly knew what Easter was” (note 9).

In January 1944 Götz advised S.S. superiors in a confidential report that, in his opinion, Mennonite leaders in Germany would be able to guide the Russian Mennonites over time toward an appropriate and “thoroughly German religiosity.”

“For the Russian Mennonites … the Lord God (Herrgott) or the divine as such remained as most essential to their religious feeling. For the most part, all Christian-dogmatic aspects have faded. … With astute guidance regarding worldview, the Mennonites in particular—but also the rest of the German Russians—will be led away from dogmatic-confessional matters to a clear and thoroughly German religiosity (Gottgläubigkeit). Their desire is for the divine, for awe before the Almighty, the inconceivable, the sublime. Mennonite leaders are now working to lead the world of Mennonitism (Mennonitentum) toward this German god-believing, religious attitude.” (Note 10)

Decades later in Canada I sometimes shared a joint German/English service—something that happened at Easter, for example—with the lay minister noted above. He was in the same regiment as my uncles who did not survive. He was a student of Karl Götz, as was a great aunt and the parents of multiple friends. He was quite the disciplinarian in our Saturday morning German School; he also baptized my father. He has long passed, but his son and I remain good friends. He is one member of the “lost generation” (note 11) who was “found”.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Hermann Roßner to Wolfgang Vopersal, November 2, 1983, letter, Bundesarchiv (Freiburg) MA, N/756, 151/a. See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/retrieving-lost-generation-heinrich.html.

Note 2: Eduard Allert [pseud., Abram Reimer], “The Lost Generation,” in The Lost Generation and other Stories, edited by Gerhard Lohrenz, 9–128 (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1982), 71f.

Note 3: See my essay, “A new Examination of the ‘Great Terror’ in Molotschna, 1937–38,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 95, no. 4 (October 2021), 415–458, https://digitalcollections.tyndale.ca/handle/20.500.12730/1031.

Note 4: Cf. e.g., Harry Loewen, ed., Road to Freedom: Mennonites Escape the Land of Suffering (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2000), 99f.

Note 5: S.S. Brigadeführer Fritz Freitag, “Special Instructions for the Working Area of Abt VI No.1,” to SS-Kav. Division VI, April 22, 1943, Bundesarchiv (Freiburg) MA RS/3/8, 73/b.

Note 6: Freitag, to SS Cav. Division, Ia/VI, April 5, 1943 (Special Instructions for weltanschauliche Erziehung), Bundesarchiv (Freiburg) MA, RS/3/8, 80.

Note 7: Freitag, SS-Kav. Division IIa, Divisions-Tagesbefehl Nr. 10/43, March 22, 1943, Bundesarchiv (Freiburg) MA, RS/3/8, 72.

Note 8: Freitag, "Special Instructions … to SS-Kav. Division VI, April 22, 1943.”

Note 9: Helene Dueck, Durch Trübsal und Not (Winnipeg, MB: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1995), 148, https://archive.org/details/durch-truebsal-und-not/page/148/mode/2up?q=ostern.

Note 10: Karl Götz, Das Schwarzmeerdeutschtum: Die Mennoniten (Posen: NS-Druck Wartheland, 1944), 11f., Bundesarchiv 187/267a, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1944, or https://chortitza.org/pdf/0v772.pdf. On Götz and the booklet (in translation), see Benjamin Goossen, “‘A Small World Power’: How the Nazi Regime Viewed Mennonites,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 92, no. 2 (2018), 173–206, https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/goossen/files/goossen_a_small_world_power_2018.pdf.

Note 11: Cf. Allert [pseud., Abram Reimer], “The Lost Generation.”

Photos: SS Brigadeführer Fritz Freitag, Bundesarchiv https://www.bild.bundesarchiv.de/dba/de/search/?topicid=dcx-thes_bestand_774u70q3f7q68r0nd48&sort=DateCreated+DESC&page=8; Time Magazine, April 13, 1942, https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,766503,00.html; Mennonite soldiers, Bundesarchiv (Freiburg), BA MA, N/756, 151/a (Vopersal file). 

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Easter and Molotschna's First Ethnic German Cavalry Regiment of the Waffen-SS, 1942,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 10, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/easter-and-molotschnas-first-ethnic.html.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an inf...

Soviet “Farmer Giesbrecht” and the German Communist Press, 1930

The 1930 booklet  Bauer Giesbrecht was published by the Communist Party press in Germany —some months after most of the 3,885 Mennonite refugees at Moscow had been transported from Germany to Canada, Paraguay and Brazil ( note 1 ). In Fall 1929 Germany set aside an astonishingly large sum of money and flexed its full diplomatic muscle to extract these “German Farmers” (mostly Mennonites) who had fled the Soviet countryside for Moscow in a last ditch attempt to flee the "Soviet Paradise". About 9,000 however were forcibly turned back. Communists in Germany saw their country’s aid operation—which their crushed economy could ill afford—as a blatant propaganda attempt to embarrass Stalin with formerly wealthy ethnic German farmers and preachers willing to tell the world’s press the worst "lies." With Heinrich Kornelius Giesbrecht from the former Mennonite Barnaul Colony in Western Siberia they finally had a poster-boy to make their point: in Germany he had seen an...

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

Molotschna's 50th Anniversary Celebration Plans, 1854

There is no mention of this celebrative event in Hildebrand’s Chronologischer Zeittafel, no report in the newly launched Prussian church paper Mennonitische Blätter , or in the Unterhaltungsblatt for German colonists in South Russia. But plans to celebrate five decades of Mennonite settlement on the Molotschna River were well underway in 1853; detailed draft notes for the event are found in the Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive ( note 1 ). Perhaps most importantly the file includes the list of names of the first settlers in each of the first nine Molotschna villages (est. 1804). While each village had been mandated a few years earlier to write its own village history ( note 2; pics ), eight of these nine did not list their first settler families by name. The lists with the male family heads are attached below. By 1854 Molotoschna’s population had increased to about 17,000; more than half of those living in the original nine villages were landless Anwohner ( note 3 ). Celeb...

Landless Crisis: Molotschna, 1840s to 1860s

The landless crisis in the mid-1800s in the Molotschna Colony is the context for most other matters of importance to its Mennonites, 1840s to 1860s. When discussing landlessness, historian David G. Rempel has claimed that the “seemingly endemic wranglings and splits” of the Mennonite church in South Russia were only seldom or superficially related to doctrine, and “almost invariably and intimately bound up with some of the most serious social and economic issues” that afflicted one or more of the congregations in the settlement ( note 1 ). It is important from the start to recognize that these Mennonites were not citizens,  but foreign colonists with obligations and privileges that governed their sojourn in New Russia. For Mennonites the privileges, e.g. of land and freedom from military conscription, were connected to the obligation of model farming. Mennonites were given one, and then later two districts of land for this purpose. Within their districts or colonies , villages w...