Skip to main content

Escaping Repatriation: Stalin’s Claw-Back, 1946

Like so many others, as Susanna Toews recalled in her little book Trek to Freedom that “[o]ur discussions always centred around the question, what the New Year had in store for us” (note 1).

The first Christmas after war’s end brought some early glimmers of normal life for those in the Western Military Zone of Germany. My Walter Bräul—a war-weary vet at age 17—attached wheels to the back of an old suitcase and made his “kid-sister” Käthe—my mother—a functional doll carriage. My grandmother found time and material to sew doll clothing. The joy was tempered by the fact that they had no word on the other boys: Franz Jr., Heinrich, or Peter. Though the war had ended seven months earlier, they did not know if and how long they would be able to stay in the village of Bonstorf (note 2), near Celle in the British Zone.

In February 1945, Stalin, Churchill, and Roosevelt met secretly in Yalta and agreed that after the war Germany would be divided into three zones of occupation. Moreover, Roosevelt and Churchill agreed to Stalin’s demand that citizens of the Soviet Union in all parts of Germany were to be repatriated--without consent and by force if necessary.

Soviet agents moved freely to locate their former citizens—including Mennonites. British and Americans troops offered logistical support. A confidential German Mennonite (Vereinigung) report to MCC in August 1945 confirmed the dire situation, that Soviet commissaries were attempting to force Russian Mennonites to return to the USSR.

“In spite of the fact that the British commandants have not yet given their consent, they proceed very rigorously … But the Mennonites do not want to go at all and there is a distress of which the anxious women are not able to master. Some of them have been taken to camps against their will.”

After a meeting with the British Commandants, a report nine days later confirmed:

“There is a possibility that many will be taken back to Russia by force, especially those who cannot defend themselves of the tricky and inconsiderate measures of the Russians. [However, the local mayors were] lending willing help to the Russians. They are trying to get rid of extra mouths to feed.” (Note 3)

By the end of September 1945, some 2,034,000 Soviet citizens in the British, American or French zones in Germany had been repatriated, and 2,946,000 from the Soviet zone (note 4).

In October things changed, and Allied Commander-in-Chief, General Dwight D. Eisenhower “ordered the discontinuance of forcible repatriation of Russian national,” but as Frank H. Epp notes, “the US State Department, concerned about cementing or retaining Soviet friendship, overruled Eisenhower’s instructions” (note 5). As a result there was confusion on the ground well into the new year.

Katie Friesen gives a vivid summary of the experience of those in the British Zone:

“Even though we were [naturalized] German citizens now, the Russian soldiers and agents came to the German towns and villages to search for former Russians. Soviet commissars were busily travelling from place to place holding meetings and urging the people to be ready when the truck would come to pick them up. Already, earlier in the summer, when we returned from the fields, we feared that there would be a Russian army truck waiting at the farm. We lived with this nagging fear, although I am quite sure that the [German host family] would not have easily given us up into the hands of the soldiers. They needed us and appreciated us, and we were grateful that we could reside with them, even though we were paid very little. Money was quite useless at the time because there was so little to buy. We became alarmed when we heard ... that the Russians had come to nearby Garssen to pick up Russian refugees but had been unable to find any. That made them quite furious and they assured the local people that they would get their people yet.” (Note 6)

After one such meeting my 17-year-old uncle Walter Bräul told his employer he had to quit. When asked why, he said he had to go back to the Soviet Union. “Do you want to go?” “Of course not,” said Walter. “Then you don’t have to. You stay with us as long as you wish.” Ex-soldiers were in greatest danger of forced repatriation—as Peter J. Dyck reported—however even in such cases Dyck found that the US and British sides would intervene, that is, “if the man can conclusively prove that he was forced into the Wehrmacht and the SS against his will” (note 7). That of course would almost always require the truth to be stretched to the extreme!

Some Mennonite refugees were ready to collaborate with the Soviets, hoping to impress the commissars with the numbers they could gather. Soviet officials with translators promised Mennonites their old homes and more. Uncle Walter remembered one such meeting at a school in a neighbouring village in which young Hans Dahl was asked politely by the commissar, “Don’t you want to go?” Dahl replied: “Why should I go back to Russia? You took my father to Siberia and he’s probably dead by now. And you’ll do the same to us. Why should I want to go with you?” With this reply the Soviet commissar lost his temper and lashed out at Dahl.

In Bonstorf on the famous Lüneburg Heath, where Oma, mom and sister Sarah lived, there were regular meetings which all adults were required to attend, including Hans Hilmer—host family father--and the mayor, who hosted another Mennonite family. Before one of these meetings Hilmer helped Oma and the other two Mennonite mothers in the village hide their children in a shepherd’s hut on the heath, fearing that other Soviet agents could search the homes and snatch the children while the adults were at their meetings.

My then eight-year-old mother remembers how afraid she, her sister, her cousin and the Bergen boys were that evening; the little windows of the hut were closed tight and the five children seemed to hear every noise in the forest that night. The Hilmers were very protective of their refugees; more than once they offered to hide my grandmother and children in their attic during the visits of Soviet agents who claimed these as “their” people (note 8).

This mix of fear and hope shaped the start of the new year 1946.

In these months MCC's secret plans were also taking shape—a Menno Pass to Holland (note 9), and MCC’s larger (and questionable) so-called “Dutch-Strategy” (note 10).

Of the approximately 35,000 Soviet Mennonites who had been resettled in Germany during the war years, only 12,000 ultimately escaped Stalin’s claw-back (note 11).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Susanna Toews, Trek to Freedom: The Escape of Two Sisters from South Russia during World War II, translated by Helen Megli (Winkler, MB: Heritage Valley, 1976), 38.

Note 2: See previous post (forthcoming).

Note 3: Cf. Ernst Crous, co-chair, "Association (Vereinigung) of German Mennonite Congregations," Minutes translated for MCC, August 21, 1945, 4, from Mennonite Library and Archives, Bethel College, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_108/36%20Correspondence%20Special%20service%20and%20trips%20MCC%20Europe%201946/007.jpg.

Note 4: Harry Loewen, Road to Freedom: Mennonites Escape the Land of Suffering (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2000), 34; for the broader tragedy, cf. Nikolai Tolstoy, Victims of Yalta: The Secret Betrayal of the Allies, 1944–1947 (New York: Pegasus, 1977).

Note 5: Frank H. Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: Friesen, 1962), 366.

Note 6: Katie Friesen, Into the Unknown (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1986), 101.

Note 7: Peter Dyck, “Memorandum on Mennonite Refugees in Germany as on July 25, 1946,” 3, MCC-Akron archives.

Note 8: Toews, Trek to Freedom, 36. On the Hilmer family and Bonstorf in the war, see an earlier post (forthcoming).

Note 9: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/in-case-of-extreme-danger-menno-pass.html.

Note 10: See previous post (forthcoming).

Note 11: Ingeborg Fleischhauer, Das Dritte Reich und die Deutschen in der Sowjetunion (Stuttgart: Deutsches Verlags-Anstalt, 1983), 242, https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1524/9783486703344/html. Harry Loewen, “Of Suffering, Forgiveness, and Closure: Reflections on Russian Mennonite Experience,” Vision: A Journal for Church and Theology 8, no. 2 (2007), 48–54; 50, https://press.palni.org/ojs/index.php/vision/article/view/422/366.

--

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Escaping Repatriation: Stalin’s Claw-Back, 1946,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 10, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/escaping-repatriation-stalins-claw-back.html.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Executioner of Dnepropetrovsk, 1937-38

Naum Turbovsky likely killed more Mennonites than anyone in the longer history of the Anabaptist-Mennonite movement. This is an emotionally difficult post to write because one of those men was my grandfather, Franz Bräul, born 1896. In 2019, I received the translation of his 30-page arrest, trial and execution file. To this point my mother never knew her father's fate. Naum Turbovsky's signature is on Bräul's execution order. Bräul was shot on December 11, 1937. Together with my grandfather's NKVD/ KGB file, I have the files of eight others arrested with him. Turbovsky's file is available online. Days before he signed the execution papers for those in this group, Turbovsky was given an award for the security of his prison and for his method of isolating and transferring prisoners to their interrogation—all of which “greatly contributed to the success of the investigations over the enemies of the people,” namely “military-fascist conspirators, spies and saboteurs.” T

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

Prof. Benjamin Unruh as a Public Figure in the Nazi Era

Professor Benjamin H. Unruh (1881-1959) was a relief and immigration leader, educator, leading churchman, and official representative of Russian Mennonites outside of the Soviet Union throughout the National Socialism era in Germany. Unruh’s biography is connected to the very beginnings of Mennonite Central Committee in 1920-1922 when he served as a key spokesperson in Germany for the famine-stricken Mennonites in South Russia. Some years later he again played the central role in the rescue of thousands of Mennonites from Moscow in 1929 and, along with MCC, their resettlement in Paraguay, Brazil, and Canada. Because of Unruh’s influence and deep connections with key German government agencies in Berlin, his home office in Karlsruhe, Germany, became a relief hub for Mennonites internationally. Unruh facilitated large-scale debt forgiveness for Mennonites in Paraguay and Brazil, and negotiated preferential consideration for Mennonite relief work to the Soviet Union during the Great Famin

"Women Talking" -- and Canadian Mennonites

In March 2023 the film "Women Talking" won an Oscar for "Best adapted Screenplay." It was based on the novel of the same name by Mennonite Miriam Toews. The conservative Mennonites portrayed in the film are from the "Manitoba Colony" in Bolivia--with obvious Canadian connections. Now that many Canadians have seen the the film, Mennonites like me are being asked, "So how are you [in Markham-Stouffville, Waterloo or in St. Catharines] connected to that group?" Most would say, "We're not that type of Mennonite." And mostly that is a true answer, though unnuanced. Others will say, "Well, it is complex," but they can't quite unfold the complexity.  Below is my attempt to do just that. At the heart of the story are things that happened in Ukraine (at the time "New" or "South" Russia) over 200 years ago. It is not easy to rebuild the influence and contribution of "Russian Mennonite" women and th

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism ( Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend ) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch ( note 1 ). Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” ( note 2 ). In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse

Why Danzig and Poland?

In the late 16th century, Poland became a haven for a variety of non-conformists which included Jews, Anti-Trinitarians from Italy and Bohemia, Quakers and Calvinists from Great Britain, south German Schwenkfelders, Eastern Orthodox, Armenian, and Greek Catholic Christians, some Muslim Tatars, as well as other peaceful sectarians like the Dutch and Flemish Anabaptists. Unlike the Low Countries and most of western Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a “state without stakes,” and as such fittingly described as “God’s playground” ( note 1 ). In the view of 17th-century Dutch dramatist Joost van den Vondel, it was “the ‘Promised Land,’ where the refugee could forget all his sorrow and enjoy the richness of the land” ( note 2 ). Over the next two centuries an important strand of Mennonite life and spirituality evolved into a mature tradition in this relatively hospitable context ( note 3 ). Anabaptists from the Low Countries began to arrive in Danzig and region as early as 15

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle