Skip to main content

"Motherhood of the People": Halbstadt Midwife Helene Berg and the SS

Recently Benjamin Goossen posted an important piece on the “well-known” Halbstadt midwife Helene Berg. Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler had taken a special interest in “old Mrs. Berg” and had publicly recognized her for helping birth some 8,000 Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) babies (note 1).

Goossen and I have shared archival materials in the past years. Below I would like to continue the exploration of Taunte Bojsche (or "Aunt Berg") and the surprisingly broad interest in her by Nazi officials as icon.


I begin with a family story as a window onto the times.

Some 35,000 Mennonites were evacuated out of German-occupied Ukraine in Fall 1943. After a grueling trek west the survivors landed in German-annexed Wartheland (previously Poland) where they were naturalized as German citizens.

My grandmother Helene Bräul had eight children, and Helene Berg may very well have been her midwife for one or more of them. Like many Mennonite mothers in Wartheland, my grandmother was “honoured” at a local event for the number of sons she had serving in the army (including two in the Waffen-SS) and was presented with a large portrait of Hitler.

My grandmother embodied the pragmatic Nazi view of a Volksdeutsche woman: a sturdy peasant who bore many strong children, had kept the race “pure” and also worked the land. Helene Bräul and her generation were not easily excitable, but she was afraid of the consequences of not hanging up the picture. She told daughters Käthe (my mother) and Sara, “I do not want that picture; I just want our boys back.”

Such events designed to celebrate and revive motherhood were usually held on the birthday of Hitler’s mother and were carefully executed because of the importance placed by the regime on rearing a new generation of soldiers.

At these events a speaker would normally recite Hitler’s comments on the mother’s role in the German Reich for the “up-building of the Volk” and for the recovery of the nation:

“What the man gives in heroic-courage on the battlefield, the woman gives in eternally patient devotion, in eternally patient suffering and endurance. Every child that she brings into the world is a battle which she wages for the being or non-being of her Volk. And both must therefore mutually value and respect each other when they recognize that each performs the task that Nature and Providence have ordained.” (Note 2)

That was a notable contrast to the “Day of Women” which they had celebrated annually in the Soviet Union on March 8; on that day Stalin was officially praised for the liberation and freedom he brought women (note 3). Now under a new totalitarian regime, the goal of these women was simply to stay alive and to keep their children alive.

This context may help in part to understand official interest in the Midwife Berg.

Mrs. Berg was known not only by thousands in the Molotschna settlement area; the German Mennonite (Vereinigung) denominational chair and pastor in Elbing, Emil Händiges, had been well acquainted with Mrs. Berg for decades. She had been in Basel, Switzerland when Händiges and Benjamin Unruh were students there, ca. 1906 to 1907.


“The concern about midwife Helene Berg… also moves me deeply. I know this brave and well-deserving woman personally from Basel [Switzerland], where she accompanied the two ethnic German Mennonites, sisters Katarina and Helene Willms, who studied there about 35 years ago, and with whom we had a Mennonite literary circle with about 10 to 12 participants … [In the past year] I have kept in touch with Mrs. Berg and sent her old issues of the
Mennonitische Blätter.” (Note 4)

Her travels, training and friendship with these leaders—and their respect for her—point to her intellectual capacities and broad range of interests.

Goossen refers to a letter from May 1942 from Hans Spittler to Händiges about Mrs. Berg. Spittler was Händiges' nephew, the son of city a missionary, and by training an engineer in the German military (Organization Todt) assigned to the Dnieper River dam project near Einlage, Chortitiza.

From occupied Ukraine Spittler wrote a letter to his uncle Emil with greetings from the 84-year-old Halbstadt midwife. “Despite her advanced years she was physically and intellectual fit … and curious about everything, even political matters. She had studied the Führer’s [Mein] Kampf with the appropriate interest,” the young man reported (note 5).

Spittler wrote his uncle that “the German essence and nature (Art) in this Volk are healthy and strong enough to withstand the blows and tests which they had to endure.” It was during this period that the second most powerful man in Nazi-Germany--Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler--visited Halbstadt and awarded Old Mother Berg for her role in the motherhood of a people.

The war began to turn in 1943 and the Volksdeutsche were ordered to cross to the west bank of the Dnieper in September and eventually retreat out of Ukraine altogether. Berg wrote Unruh on November 20 that she hadn’t slept in a real bed in seven weeks, and now in Kamenetz-Podol’sk winter was upon them. She wrote that she was “willing to endure anything so long as our Germany retains the victory against evil Bolshevism and saves us from the hands of our enemies” (note 6).

In the same month Unruh made a request to Heubuden Elder Bruno Ewert (Nazi Party member) and Gustav Reimer, church historian and deacon in Heubuden, to find a small house for Mrs. Berg with her elderly sister and niece/caregiver Agnes Wiens, because the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle ("VoMi"; Coordination Center for Ethnic Germans) ultimately under Himmler explicitly desired that Mrs. Berg be cared for into her sunset years (note 7). The VoMi also wanted a cow for Mrs Berg—like she and her sister had in Halbstadt, and also on the west side of the Dnieper at Alexanderstadt after the first stretch of the Trek west. (Many left Molotschna with a cow, and niece Agnes was “an exceptional milker”).

But the Heubuden church had nothing available. The best they could offer was perhaps a room at the Heubuden seniors residence—which the VoMi did not want. But even the former idea was a problem: it already had 12 elderly women and one elderly man and no extra space. Unruh pushed hard in the correspondence, saying that SS Obersturmführer Dr. Wolfrum “emphatically” wished for this to work out, not least because he had received hospitality in her home a year earlier; Wolfrum was the representative of SS Oberführer Hoffmeyer (note 8). Unruh emphasized that Himmler wanted “to honour us [emphasis in original] through her” (note 9).

Reimer and Unruh had a long working relationship, but the correspondence shows it was under increasing stress during this time of resettlement. The “midwife Berg issue” brought these tensions to a boiling point in their correspondence.

As soon as Unruh had word of Berg’s arrival in German-annexed Poland, he wrote her a letter: “But we know that Taunte Bojsche can do more than the others. How often did I admire you during the [Russian] Revolution, how you jumped up in the middle of the night and, where the greatest dangers threatened, helped some working-class woman to give birth to her baby” (note 10).

The letter gives evidence that she was more than a sweet old lady from his beloved Halbstadt. Unruh had just completed two longer historical-theological treatises (one on baptism) to serve as a framework for unifying the Mennonite and Mennonite Brethren groups coming out of Ukraine; in the letter he specifically asked for her feedback on the drafts. “As our much-experienced sister and mother, your judgement is of great value.”

Sidenote to Himmler:

In his correspondence with the Vereinigung denominational executive, Unruh always showed great pride in his various government and Nazi Party connections—but always of course on behalf of his Mennonite people. But nothing seemed more significant for Unruh than his meeting with Heinrich Himmler, January 1 to 3, 1943. Over these three days they had talks over lunch and supper, and then an exhaustive, one-hour business meeting together with Hoffmeyer and Lorenz as well. Unruh wrote his German pastor friend Abraham Braun (also born in Russia) that he “anticipates significant consequences for our entire Mennonitica from this consultation” with Reichsführer Himmler.


“I was received and treated with exceptional warmth, and I was told the most complimentary things about Mennonites, especially the Volk German Mennonites. … The
Reichsführer will eliminate any existing “dualisms,” and Reichs-German and Volks-German Mennonites will be treated in the exact same manner.” (Note 11)

In this meeting Himmler brought greetings to Unruh from Mrs. Berg.

At the end of his piece Goossen asks: “And what about Berg herself? The archival documents by and about her suggest intriguing new directions for research about Mennonites, reproduction, and the elderly under fascism—topics still waiting to be explored.”

While it is somewhat unclear how much and how fast Soviet Mennonites under German occupation embraced the vision for reproduction propagated by Nazi Germany, Mennonite clergy from the Reich shared the worldview of their state and could speak of childbirth for the nation as a woman’s “highest and holiest determination” (note 12) topped with the concern for “healthy breeding” and against Volk-destructive “racial contamination” (note 13).

These themes were consistent with those repeated in the press and in official speeches on “German womenhood.” This ostensibly conservative concept of motherhood placed a woman’s highest call in connection to the “motherhood of the people”—and above the immediate parenting and protection of their actual living children.

Mrs. Berg immigrated to Canada on July 28, 1948, and died in Winnipeg on October 1, 1951 (note 14).

             ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast  

---Notes---

Pics: Thanks to Brent Wiebe for identifying archival video footage thought to be Helene Berg at Halbstadt in the summer of 1943: http://www.archiv-akh.de/filme?utf-8=%E2%9C%93&q=halbstadt#1. See Wiebe’s website: https://trailsofthepast.com/helene-berg/.

Note 1: Benjamin Goossen, “Himmler’s Mennonite Midwife,” Anabaptist Historians, posted August 13, 2020, https://anabaptisthistorians.org/2020/08/13/himmlers-mennonite-midwife/. Cf. GRanDMA #173286 for Helene Berg.  

Note 2: Adolf Hitler, “Die völkische Sendung der Frau,” in N.S. Frauenbuch, edited by Ellen Semmelroth and Renata von Stieda, 9–14 (Munich: Lehmanns, 1934), 11, https://archive.org/details/SemmelrothEllenUndStiedaRenateVonN.S.Frauenbuch1934287S.ScanFraktur/page/n9/mode/2up.

Note 3: Eduard Allert [pseud. for Eduard Reimer], “The Lost Generation,” in The Lost Generation and other Stories, edited by Gerhard Lohrenz, 9–128 (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1982), 32.

Note 4: Emil Händiges to Benjamin Unruh and Ernst Crous, December 1, 1943, [1943a 36 of 104] Vereinigung Collection 1943, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle, Bolanden-Weierhof, Germany, hereafter MFS.

Note 5: Hans Spittler to Emil Händiges, May 7, 1942; copied in Emil Händiges to Benjamin Unruh and Abraham Fast, May 18, 1942, Vereinigung Collection 1942, MFW.

Note 6: Copied in Benjamin Unruh to Hans Epp [former Chortitza district mayor], December 5, 1943, Vereinigung Collection 1943, MFS.

Note 7: Gustav Reimer to Benjamin Unruh, December 20, 1943, Vereinigung Collection 1943, MFW. 1943a 18.

Note 8: Cf. also Unruh to Epp, December 5, 1943; Benjamin Unruh to Gustav Reimer, December 5, 1943; and Benjamin Unruh to Emil Händiges, November 18, 1943; Vereinigung Collection 1943, MFW.

Note 9: Cf. Unruh to Epp, December 5, 1943.

Note 10: Benjamin Unruh to Helene Berg, February 3, 1944, in Benjamin Unruh – Abraham Braun Correspondence, MFW.

Note 11: Benjamin Unruh to Vereinigung Executive, January 6, 1943, Vereinigung Collection 1943, MFW.

Note 12: Horst Quiring, “Ehe” and “Leib,” in Grundworte des Glaubens: Achtzig wichtige biblische Begriffe für den Menschen der Gegenwart dargestellt (Berlin: Furche, 1938), 58; 147, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1938,%20Quiring,%20Grundworte%20des%20Glaubens/DSCF9361.JPG; https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1938,%20Quiring,%20Grundworte%20des%20Glaubens/DSCF9405.JPG.

Note 13: Cf. Krefeld Pastor Gustav Kraemer, Wir und unsere Volksgemeinschaft 1938. Lecture delivered in Heubuden, West Prussia, January 25, 1938 (Krefeld: Consistorium der Mennonitengemeinde Krefeld, 1938) 8, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1938,%20Kraemer%20Wir%20und%20unsere%20Volksgemeinschaft/Worse%20Copy/DSCF7381.JPG.

Note 14: Cf. her autobiographical account of the closing year of the war and the immediate post-war period: Helene Berg, Unsere Flucht: Erinnerungen von Helene Berg, frueher Halbstadt, Sued Russland (Thomashof/Baden, 1947).

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Executioner of Dnepropetrovsk, 1937-38

Naum Turbovsky likely killed more Mennonites than anyone in the longer history of the Anabaptist-Mennonite movement. This is an emotionally difficult post to write because one of those men was my grandfather, Franz Bräul, born 1896. In 2019, I received the translation of his 30-page arrest, trial and execution file. To this point my mother never knew her father's fate. Naum Turbovsky's signature is on Bräul's execution order. Bräul was shot on December 11, 1937. Together with my grandfather's NKVD/ KGB file, I have the files of eight others arrested with him. Turbovsky's file is available online. Days before he signed the execution papers for those in this group, Turbovsky was given an award for the security of his prison and for his method of isolating and transferring prisoners to their interrogation—all of which “greatly contributed to the success of the investigations over the enemies of the people,” namely “military-fascist conspirators, spies and saboteurs.” T

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

"Women Talking" -- and Canadian Mennonites

In March 2023 the film "Women Talking" won an Oscar for "Best adapted Screenplay." It was based on the novel of the same name by Mennonite Miriam Toews. The conservative Mennonites portrayed in the film are from the "Manitoba Colony" in Bolivia--with obvious Canadian connections. Now that many Canadians have seen the the film, Mennonites like me are being asked, "So how are you [in Markham-Stouffville, Waterloo or in St. Catharines] connected to that group?" Most would say, "We're not that type of Mennonite." And mostly that is a true answer, though unnuanced. Others will say, "Well, it is complex," but they can't quite unfold the complexity.  Below is my attempt to do just that. At the heart of the story are things that happened in Ukraine (at the time "New" or "South" Russia) over 200 years ago. It is not easy to rebuild the influence and contribution of "Russian Mennonite" women and th

Prof. Benjamin Unruh as a Public Figure in the Nazi Era

Professor Benjamin H. Unruh (1881-1959) was a relief and immigration leader, educator, leading churchman, and official representative of Russian Mennonites outside of the Soviet Union throughout the National Socialism era in Germany. Unruh’s biography is connected to the very beginnings of Mennonite Central Committee in 1920-1922 when he served as a key spokesperson in Germany for the famine-stricken Mennonites in South Russia. Some years later he again played the central role in the rescue of thousands of Mennonites from Moscow in 1929 and, along with MCC, their resettlement in Paraguay, Brazil, and Canada. Because of Unruh’s influence and deep connections with key German government agencies in Berlin, his home office in Karlsruhe, Germany, became a relief hub for Mennonites internationally. Unruh facilitated large-scale debt forgiveness for Mennonites in Paraguay and Brazil, and negotiated preferential consideration for Mennonite relief work to the Soviet Union during the Great Famin

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism ( Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend ) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch ( note 1 ). Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” ( note 2 ). In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha

“First Arrival of German Troops in Halbstadt” (Volksfreund, April 20, 1918)

“ April 19, 1918 will always remain significant in the history of the Molotschna German Colony. That which until recently could hardly be imagined has occurred: the German military has arrived to free us from the despotism, rape and pillaging of barbarous people and to reestablish the order and security of life and property--something desperately necessary for our land. For this we give thanks above all to the One in whose hands the peoples and nations and also individuals rest. ...” ( Note 1 ) Mennonites greeted their “guests and liberators” with festivities that included baked goods (Zwieback), meats and even the German anthem “ Deutschland, Deutschland über alles "—all before the watchful eyes of their Russian /Ukrainian neighbours. The troops arrived by train; and to the shock of most present, three bound prisoners—all well-known bandits and terrorists—“were brought out of one of the railway cars without any prior notice, lined up and shot right in front of us” as an exampl

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse

What does it cost to settle a Refugee? Basic without Medical Care (1930)

In January 1930, the Mennonite Central Committee was scrambling to get 3,885 Mennonites out of Germany and settled somewhere fast. These refugees had fled via Moscow in December 1929, and Germany was willing only to serve as first transit stop ( note 1 ). Canada was very reluctant to take any German-speaking Mennonites—the Great Depression had begun and a negative memory of war resistance still lingered. In the end Canada took 1,344 Mennonites and the USA took none born in Russia. Paraguay was the next best option ( note 2 ). The German government preferred Brazil, but Brazil would not guarantee freedom from military service, which was a problem for American Mennonite financiers. There were already some conservative "cousins" from Manitoba in Paraguay who had negotiated with the government and learned through trial and error how to survive in the "Green Hell" of the Paraguayan Chaco. MCC with the assistance of a German aid organization purchased and distribute