Russian Mennonites and German troop withdrawal, Advent 1918

First Advent, 1918: The last page of the final issue of the German military newspaper Deutsche Zeitung für Ost-Taurien (DZOT), informed readers of a German Catholic mass at the Mennonite Church in Melitopol (near the large Mennonite settlement of Molotschna) for 8 am, followed by a Protestant (Lutheran) Military Advent worship service at 9 am (pic), with the Mennonite worship service beginning at 11 am.

A week earlier they had done the same to honour their fallen comrades on Eternity Sunday (Totensonntag)—in the Mennonite worship space. The Mennonite colonists—“especially Molotschna”—became “trusted friends,” whose assistance, hospitality and German manner created a “second home” for the troops, who now understood that “they belong inseparably together as members of one people (Stamm),” according to the editor (note 1; pic).

Not only did troops give away German books, refrigerators, phonographs, recordings, movie projectors, distillery equipment, typewriters, linens, foot-ware, cooking pots, horses and more at fire-sale prices (see pics; note 2), but they also left thousands of weapons for the colonists and the White Army, including ammunition and grenades (note 3).

The Austrian military in Jekaterinoslav—including the Chortitza, Barotov and Memrik Mennonite settlements—were less concerned with the Bolshevik or anarchist threat according to estate owner Jacob C. Toews, and handed their weapons off to “the terrorist hordes” (note 4).

The short-lived Ukraine National Republic had withdrawn from WW I months earlier and appealed to Germany and Austria for assistance to repel Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability.

Over the preceding months both German officers and Mennonite leadership were convinced that good order had been restored, and that security moving forward might be expected with strong economic and political ties between Ukraine and Germany; the German Foreign Institute (Deutsches Auslands-Institut) made connections with these Black Sea Germans a priority (note 5).

However for weeks Bolshevik and anarchist armed riders had been stirring up renewed havoc in the region around the Molotschna (note 6).

With the formal end of WW I, the general of the last German division to withdraw from the district held a farewell speech in the large Halbstadt Mennonite Church, and warned of the imminent threat posed by the bandits, while pointing to the Mennonite Selbstschutz—well-armed and well-trained by the retreating German army (note 7).

Together with men from the neighbouring Lutheran and German Catholic villages, the local militia included a cavalry of three-hundred men, and twenty companies of infantry of approximately 2,000 to 2,700 volunteers in total, plus a few remaining German officers.

Of these about 1,000 soldiers were recruited from the Halbstadt and Gnadenfeld Mennonite districts of Molotschna including those from estates, who together formed the “First Mennonite Infantry Regiment” as they referred to themselves (note 8).

Russian White officers took over control of the Molotschna administrative offices at Halbstadt and Gnadenfeld and placed the Mennonite Selbstschutz under the regional White Commander, Colonel Malakov (note 9).

The influential Mennonite teacher and theologian Benjamin H. Unruh framed the situation as follows:

"… this was not about the rich historical legacy of refusing armed military service, but the recognition of the right to self-defense with respect to crimes against the very lives of innocent people, in particular women and children, by criminal elements from the ranks of former army and marine soldiers … It was exclusively about the repulsion of unlawful acts of violence by self-proclaimed, local and limited regionally operative forces in the form of individual gangs or groups of gangs. Certainly our Anabaptist forefathers were never thinking of such a case when they penned the Schleitheim Confession 400 years ago … ." (Note 10)

For Unruh, armed defense by Mennonites in this extraordinary state of emergency was “not a general abandonment of the received tradition of non-resistance;” the renunciation of every armed force remains the “highest Christian ideal.” Rather, armed defense is a theologically tolerable option, a question of conscience—however difficult and painful—for each to answer on their own before God.

Unruh’s aim was to help the younger graduates of his Halbstadt Commerce School in particular connect what they found necessary to do out of deep conviction with the world of faith and their church (note 11).

“We were all supposedly volunteers although great pressure was put on us to join the Selbstschutz. … Professor Benjamin Unruh’s attitude was one of tacit support for resistance. Somewhat of a shock to me. He was my Bible instructor and was highly educated … . Everyone in Halbstadt looked up to him. I was greatly influenced by his attitude towards the Selbstschutz as were others. … We all understood [however] that when the Red army would come we would not resist soldiers.” (Note 12).

Some 100 to 120 students from the school with some of their teachers formed one of the active Selbstschutz units (note 13).

And so the New Year 1919 began for Mennonites in Ukraine.

---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: “Abschied an den Leser,” Deutsche Zeitung für Ost-Taurien [DZOT], no. 149 (November 30, 1918), 4, https://digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/suche?queryString=PPN777397188.

Note 2: Cf. e.g., advertisements in DZOT, no. 142 (November 22, 1918) 4; no. 145 (November 26, 1918) 4; no. 146 (November 27, 1918), 2.

Note 3: P. Epp, son of Pordenau Elder (Bishop) Peter Epp, reported that he traveled to the Crimea as a member of the Selbstschutz to collect and transport 1,125 hand weapons, including munitions, four machine guns, hand grenades, steel helmets, etc., that were left behind by German troops (J. Epp, in Josephine Chipman, “The Mennonite Selbstschutz in the Ukraine: 1918–1919” (Master of Arts thesis, University of Manitoba, 1988), 140, https://mspace.lib.umanitoba.ca/xmlui/handle/1993/3535. See also “Nonresistance on Trial, or Selbsterlebtes u. Selbstschutz: Molotschna Mennonite Settlement, 1918–1919,” 2, no date, from Mennonite Library and Archive, Bethel College, KS, https://mla.bethelks.edu/books/289_74771_Se48.pdf.

Note 4: Jacob C. Toews, “Biography of Jacob Cornelius Toews, 1882–1968,” translated by Frieda Toews Baergen (Leamington: Essex-Kent Mennonite Historical Association), 28, https://www.ekmha.ca/collections/files/original/9856b7fca8c0ab6fdaa861245404166e.pdf.

Note 5: Cf. DZOT, no. 106 (October 10, 1918), 4; no. 134 (November 13, 1918), 2f.; no. 143 (November 1918), 2f.

Note 6: Cf. Graf Stauffenberg, Friedensstimme 16, no 45 (August 1918), 3; and Abraham Kröker, “Vergiß nicht!,” Friedensstimme XVI, no. 47 (August 31, 1918), 2; Diary of Anna Baerg, 1916–1924, translated and edited by Gerald Peters (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1985), 29.

Note 7: “Nonresistance on Trial, or Selbsterlebtes u. Selbstschutz,” 2.

Note 8: “Nonresistance on Trial, or Selbsterlebtes u. Selbstschutz,” 2; Lawrence Klippenstein, “Mennonites and Military Service in the Soviet Union to 1939,” in Challenge to Mars: Essays on Pacifism from 1918 to 1945, edited by Peter Brock and Thomas P. Socknat, 3–20 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 7; John B. Toews, editor and translator, Mennonites in Ukraine amid Civil War and Anarchy, ed. Mennonites in Ukraine amid Civil War and Anarchy (1917–1920): A Documentary Collection (Fresno, CA: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 2013), 97.

Note 9: John B. Toews, “The Origins and Activities of the Mennonite Selbstschutz (1918–1919),” Mennonite Quarterly Review 46, no. 1 (1972), 5–40; 17.

Note 10: Cited in Heinrich B. Unruh, Fügungen und Führungen: Benjamin Heinrich Unruh, 1881–1959: Ein Leben im Geiste christlicher Humanität und im Dienste der Nächstenliebe (Detmold: Verein zur Erforschung und Pflege des Russlanddeutschen Mennonitentums, 2009) 139f.

Note 11: Cited in H. Unruh, Fügungen und Führungen, 141. In comparison, as early as 1743 most Dutch Mennonites no longer referred to themselves as “defenseless Christians” (as in the longer title of the Martyrs Mirror); rather, they were Christians who did-not-take-revenge or use violence for an offensive attack or war. They did however allow the use of counter-violence to ward off unjust violence, and had no problem delivering their goods on armed carriages, mounting cannons on their own ships and—in some cases—even carrying a weapon when travelling outside of the city (cf. Simeon F. Rues, Aufrichtige Nachrichten von dem Gegenwärtigen Zustande der Mennoniten oder Taufgesinnten wie auch der Collegianten oder Reinsburger [Jena, 1743], 103f., https://books.google.ca/books?id=aqBdAAAAcAAJ).

Note 12: Gerhard Wiens, in Irmgard Epp, ed., Constantinoplers—Escape from Bolshevism (Victoria, BC: Trafford, 2006), 47f.

Note 13: “Nonresistance on Trial, or Selbsterlebtes u. Selbstschutz.”

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Russian Mennonites and German troop withdrawal, Advent 1918," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), January 21, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/russian-mennonites-and-german-troop.html.

Comments

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws. It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Flooding and Mennonites: A Common Thread

In November 2021 many Mennonites in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia were impacted by disastrous flooding. The mayor of Abbotsford—the worst-hit city—as well as the local Member of Parliament were Mennonites. Many Mennonites across Canada had family members who are directly impacted. Flood stories have been an important thread in the Prussian-Russian Mennonite story. How have Mennonites responded? Mutual aid stands out. For Menno Simons, it was “the only sign whereby a true Christian may be known” ( note 1 ). In 1562, “Dutch people of the Mennonite religion” were specifically invited by the Polish banking house Loysen to settle on the “Tiegenhoff part of the Vistula Delta” to rebuild dikes partially destroyed by huge floods (1540 and 1543) and wars, and to drain low-lying lagoons and swamps over large blocks of land ( note 2 ). The Tiege River—a branch of the Vistula—was at or below sea level. Dams and ditches along the Nogat and Vistula rivers had been construct...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

Mennonite Medical Orderlies in World War I

Russia declared war on Germany on July 20, 1914. Mennonite ministers and civic leaders met on July 22, and called for the extension of their community’s alternative service agreement beyond forestry service: to form complete medical units to gather the wounded from the front and to transport them by hospital trains to interior hospitals; to establish special hospital facilities for the wounded in the colonies; to fundraise large sums for the Red Cross; and to grant financial aid to families of soldiers ( note 1 ). Mennonites knew that they would have to prove their patriotism in positive and tangible ways in order to retain property rights and privileges. Abraham Kröker, editor of the Friedensstimme , wrote just before the start of the war: “Do we not owe it our government and Russian neighbours to show that if a war … broke out, we would be ready to serve the interests of the Fatherland [Russia], and to help the needy?” D. H. Epp, editor of Der Botschafter , wrote: “We need to show ...

"Should Holy Baptism be offered to Deaf-Mutes (1886)?”

In 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the following resolution: “A deaf-mute who desires Holy Baptism may be baptized, providing he is not an idiot ( blödsinnig ), and an understanding of baptism is first introduced to him as far as possible” ( note 1 ). A. G. Ambarzumov, a Protestant Armenian who had been trained in Germany and Switzerland for teaching the deaf, started a small initiative in the Mennonite “Molotschna Settlement” in Ukraine/South Russia in the 1870s. After a difficult start, benefactors in the Molotschna embraced the idea of a larger institution for the deaf—the first such institution in South Russia--especially because of the demonstrable results produced in the lives of students. “After only four months, Herr Ambarzumov could demonstrate encouraging results; the students were able to pronounce almost all vowels and consonants and speak and write some words" ( note 2 ). The institution's n...

Mennonite Christmases in the Diary of Jacob P. Janzen, 1911-1914

The following accounts of Mennonite Christmases before the Revolution are from the unpublished diary of Jacob P. Janzen ( note 1 ). His entries are “real,” in the sense that they include all the complexities and messiness of life, with interesting detail. These accounts are from a single man in his thirties (b. 1880) in Rudnerweide, Molotschna. His entries show him as a sensitive, humble, and curious man, who was certainly well-informed about life in the community. --Arnold Neufeldt-Fast -- Christmas 1911 (Janzen was working at "Bethania Mental Hospital" on the Dnjeper River near Einlage, note 2 ) “Some of the staff went to [director Peter] Schellenbergs to practice Christmas songs. I did not go. Aganetha Woelk [patient] had broken several window panes; I had to replace them and it got quite late. But while working in the female patients’ quarters I had a chance to see how they made beautiful, but inexpensive ornaments for the Christmas tree. Nur...

“First Arrival of German Troops in Halbstadt” (Volksfreund, April 20, 1918)

“ April 19, 1918 will always remain significant in the history of the Molotschna German Colony. That which until recently could hardly be imagined has occurred: the German military has arrived to free us from the despotism, rape and pillaging of barbarous people and to reestablish the order and security of life and property--something desperately necessary for our land. For this we give thanks above all to the One in whose hands the peoples and nations and also individuals rest. ...” ( Note 1 ) Mennonites greeted their “guests and liberators” with festivities that included baked goods (Zwieback), meats and even the German anthem “ Deutschland, Deutschland über alles "—all before the watchful eyes of their Russian /Ukrainian neighbours. The troops arrived by train; and to the shock of most present, three bound prisoners—all well-known bandits and terrorists—“were brought out of one of the railway cars without any prior notice, lined up and shot right in front of us” as an exampl...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

History of the Russian Mennonites

Search This Blog