Skip to main content

Communion and the "white Handkerchief"

When my friends and I were baptized in the late 1970s in a bilingual, immigrant Canadian Mennonite General Conference church, most of our mothers presented us with a white handkerchief for our first experience (and observance) of communion.

Where did this tradition come from? A veneration of the bread? I chose not to use one.

In his 1723 book on the Vistula Delta, its peoples and customs, Abraham Hartwich--a generally unsympathetic observer of the Mennonites--quotes a 1701 letter he received from an official in Tiegenhoff. He describes the unique Frisian Mennonite practice (bey den groben Mannisten) of placing the communion bread in their clean handkerchief (in ihr reines Schnupfftuch) and eating with caution and respect (note 1; pic). 280 years later, this was still the practice in my home congregation.

In the period just prior immigration to Russia, the Danzig Mennonite (Flemish) church practiced communion twice a year—shortly after baptism in the spring, and then again on a Sunday in the Fall. Mannhardt’s history of the congregation does not mention a handkerchief, but notes that the bread is broken and eaten in unison (note 2). Similarly Heinrich Donner, elder in the Orlofferfelde (Frisian) Mennonite church does not make special mention of a handkerchief in his 1788 booklet on communion (note 3). White bread and a white table cloth for the communion table are usually noted.

A 1743 etching of a Mennonite communion service in Amsterdam shows women holding a hand fan in front of their mouths while eating the bread, and the men taking their hats from the hooks on the way to cover their mouths (note 3b). This suggests that it is not the bread as such that is venerated, but that the act of eating the bread is a holy and intimate act of communion.

The 1911 (Kirchliche) Ministers Manual (Russia) gives both models; Gnadenfeld has no handkerchief tradition (Frisian) but does practice footwashing before the Lord's Supper. The other older Flemish model expects that all come to the front--men first, then women--with an open handkerchief (note 4; pic). One Dutch scholar in 1915 however said it was the Frisians in Russia who practiced it (note 5).

How widespread was the "handkerchief" model? The GAMEO article by Cornelius Krahn helps only a little, and then makes a guess as to the "Catholic" origins of the practice:

"The practice of putting the bread into a cloth or handkerchief until it is eaten in unison must be old, going back to the Catholic days when the actual presence of Christ in the bread and wine was a basic belief. According to Vos (De avondmaalsbediening . . .) this practice was observed among the early Dutch Mennonites but disappeared completely. Among some of the Mennonites of Prussian, Polish, and Russian background in America, it was still practiced in the 1950s (Beatrice, Gnadenberg, Rosenort, and other congregations)." (Note 6)

This is speculation. The earlier materials certainly emphasize that the bread is “blessed” and should be “enjoyed” accordingly, but also that the supper is a memorial. Prussian /Russian Mennonites have not been shy to use the word “sacrament” either (note 7). But is this practice with the hanky a lingering element of "Roman Catholicism"? Likely that would not be a problem—unless it is seen as something “magical” or superstitious (there are examples of that). But I have seen no evidence that any Prussian/Russian Mennonite thought this.

A writing by Danzig Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in 1671 speaks of communion in the context of the purity of the congregation, citing a lot of scripture: “Let us purify ourselves from everything that contaminates … perfecting holiness out of reverence for God” (2 Cor. 7:1; note 8). This too is connected to reconciliation with the neighbour before taking communion and with a congregation that takes the ban seriously.

While I have never heard a Mennonite preacher or theologian speak to this practice with anything more than curious speculation, ignorance or dismissiveness, I am beginning to think Hansen’s connections to a reconciled community are the origins of the symbol – something uniquely Mennonite, like a hanky without "spot or wrinkle." That might just predate the “quilt” as Mennonite symbol; it tells us much of the communal life and vision of Russian and Prussian Mennonites—for better or worse.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Abraham Hartwich, Geographisch-Historische Landes-Beschribung derer dreyen im Pohlnischen Preußen liegenden Werdern (Königsberg, 1723), 291, https://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/en/view/bsb10000874?page=306,307.

Note 2: Hermann G. Mannhardt, Die Danziger Mennonitengemeinde. Ihre Entstehung und ihre Geschichte von 1569–1919 (Danzig, 1919), https://archive.org/details/diedanzigermenno00mannuoft.

Note 3: Heinrich Donner, Abendmahls-Andachten: Gebete, und Liedern, vor, und nach dem heiligen Abendmahl, zum Gebrauch der Taufgesinnten Gemeine in Preußen (Marienwerder: Kanter, ca. 1788), https://mla.bethelks.edu/books/donner/.

Note 3b: Illustration: "Sharing the bread during the Holy Supper in the Mennonite Church De Zon in Amsterdam - 1743" (Delen van het brood tijdens het Heilig Avondmaal in de Doopsgezinde Kerk De Zon te Amsterdam - 1743), https://www.europeana.eu/item/90402/RP_P_AO_24_9. Similarly see: https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/dienst-in-de-kerk-bij-de-tooren-frans-de-bakker/VgGWbn9V64xZxg.

Note 4: Handbuch zum Gebrauch bei gottesdienstlichen Handlungen zunächst für die Aeltesten und Prediger der Mennoniten-Gemeinden in Rußland, edited by the Allgemeiner Konferenz der Mennoniten in Rußland (Berdjansk: Ediger, 1911), 82, https://mla.bethelks.edu/books/264.097%20Al34h/45.jpg ; see also the Gnadenfeld model, p. 49: https://mla.bethelks.edu/books/264.097%20Al34h/28.jpg. H. G. Mannhardt’s 1888 yearbook indicates which congregations practice footwashing and which do not (Jahrbuch der Altevangelischen Taufgesinnten oder Mennoniten-Gemeinden [Danzig, 1888]), https://books.google.ca/books?id=ok5FAQAAMAAJ&dq.

Note 5: Karel Vos, "De Avondmaalsbediening beij de Doopgezinden," Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis, NS 12 (1915/1916), 258-270; 260.

Note 6: Cornelius Krahn and John D. Rempel, “Communion,” GAMEO, http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Communion&oldid=162901; Krahn cites Vos (see above, "De Avondmaalsbediening," 265) who cites L. G. Le Poole, who thought it was once practice in Leiden, in Bijdragen tot de kennis van het kerkelijk leven: onder de Doopsgezinden (Leiden: Brill, 1905), 153, https://books.google.ca/books?id=BP0OAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA153#.

Note 7: E.g., see Jakob Mannhardt, ed., Gemeinde-Ordnung der vereinigten Mennoniten-Gemeinde zu Danzig vom Jahre 1841, revidiert im Jahre 1860 (Danzig, 1860), p. 6, no. 5, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1860,%20Gemeinde%20Ordnung%20der%20vereinigten%20Mennoniten%20Gemeinde%20zu%20Danzig/DSCF9909.JPG.

Note 8: Georg Hansen, Ein Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend durch einen Liebhaber der Wahrheit gestellt und ans Licht gebracht im Jahre Christi 1671 (Elkhart, IN: Mennonite Publishing, 1892), 138.



---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Communion and the 'white Handkerchief,'" History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 29, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/communion-and-white-handkerchief.html.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

"Motherhood of the People": Halbstadt Midwife Helene Berg and the SS

Recently Benjamin Goossen posted an important piece on the “well-known” Halbstadt midwife Helene Berg. Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler had taken a special interest in “old Mrs. Berg” and had publicly recognized her for helping birth some 8,000 Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) babies ( note 1 ). Goossen and I have shared archival materials in the past years. Below I would like to continue the exploration of Taunte Bojsche (or "Aunt Berg") and the surprisingly broad interest in her by Nazi officials as icon. I begin with a family story as a window onto the times. Some 35,000 Mennonites were evacuated out of German-occupied Ukraine in Fall 1943. After a grueling trek west the survivors landed in German-annexed Wartheland (previously Poland) where they were naturalized as German citizens. My grandmother Helene Bräul had eight children, and Helene Berg may very well have been her midwife for one or more of them. Like many Mennonite mothers in Wartheland, my grandmother was ...