Skip to main content

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” (note 1). In Berlin the secret was already out.

Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service.

“‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” (Note 2)

The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point.

With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were changing for Russia’s minority religious and ethnic groups. The Russian imperial model of statehood had had many unique and unequal laws and charters for its diversity of minority religious and ethnic groups. Mennonites had their Privilegium, as did other groups, and each had a role within Russia’s larger sense of mission to serve and rule nobly over many people. All that was changing.

After the humiliation of the Crimean War, Nicholas I initiated a transition to a modern nation-state model, characterized by an increased assimilation, Russification and centralization of power.

On New Years 1871 a number of sweeping reforms, including the elimination of the legal status of “foreign colonists”—Mennonite, German, Bulgarian, and the like were announced. This meant the loss of the unique privileges and favourable tax conditions designed to enable them to rapidly develop and fully master their separated economic zones.

“Settler-landholders” were to become full Russian citizens, and be incorporated into the unified Russian county (uezd) and township (volost) administrative system. The protective Guardianship Committee structure was to be abolished, though Mennonites would be able to keep their insurance system, banks, medical services and (initially) school systems, which assured that future economic growth would not be hindered (note 3).

The classification of minorities like Mennonites also changed from a religious category—“those of other belief”—to one based on language and ethnicity, or “those of other origin” (note 4).

Advance notice of these changes put the Mennonite colonies on alert. Together these changes signaled an imminent end to the broad local autonomy that Mennonites enjoyed within the imperial state. A diary entry by minister Jacob D. Epp on November 18, 1870 has the following reflection: “Is the Charter of Privileges, exempting us from military service for all time, of no value? … God’s judgement is drawing near; and I fear our church faces a difficult future” (note 5).

The rumours of a new conscription policy that would include “all classes of the empire” were floating about for some time. Even before the new direction was reported in newspapers in November 1870 (note 6), Mennonite leaders were corresponding with their American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration (note 7).

As soon as the new direction was pronounced, elders from the Molotschna, Chortitza, and Bergthal Colonies organized multiple emergency meetings, the first hosted by the Molotschna District Chairman Peter Ewert in Rudnerweide on January 5, 1871. After a second meeting, a Mennonite delegation was sent to St. Petersburg to assure the government of their gratefulness and devotion to the crown, and to explain why the proposal was so “deeply distressing and worrisome” to the historically non-resistant community (note 8).

Delegates also composed a fresh and definitive confessional statement on Mennonites and non-resistance which would give guidance for decades (note 9).

While the delegation was well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the crown, a total exemption from individual service to the state was not an option for debate.

Military service as sin? One government minister offered his own quasi-theological argument, telling a Mennonite delegate and elder that it is surely a sin that he cannot speak Russian though Mennonites had been in Russia for seventy years—a line worthy of another of political cartoon (note 10)!

While the new policy did not result in the wholescale emigration of Mennonites, about one-third would leave for North America as a result. The first hundred Russian Mennonite agriculturalists arrived in the United States in September 1873.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

See also related posts, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2022/09/turning-weapons-into-waffle-irons.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/1870s-emigration-more-complicated-than.html; AND https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/leave-for-kansas-if-pankratzes-go-well.html

Note 1: Peter Bartel, “Beschreibung der persönlichen Bemühung der fünf Aeltesten bei den Hohen und Allerhöchsten Staatsmännern in Berlin um Wiederheraushelfung aus dem Reichsgesetz, worin der Reichstag uns Mennoniten am 9. November 1867 versetzt hat,” Christlicher Gemeinde-Kalender 29 (1920), 70–79; 78, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Christlicher%20Gemeinde-Kalender/1918-1932/DSCF6404.JPG. See also Josh Sanborn, “Military Reform, Moral Reform and the End of the Old Regime,” in The Military and Society in Russia: 1450–1917, edited by Eric Lohr and Marshall Poe, 507–524 (Leiden: Brill, 2002) 507f.

Note 2 /Pic: “Aus dem Regen in die Traufe, oder: Mennonitenpech,” Beiblatt zum Kladderadatsch (Berlin) 24, no. 24 & 25 (May 28, 1871), 1, https://books.google.ca/books?id=GkkOAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false (thanks to Brent Wiebe for sharing a snipped version of this cartoon found in a Samara museum, https://goskatalog.ru/portal/?fbclid=IwAR1KR_Up-NaURSNIsBqHcDJb5XcMJr28_kO1YiPnHkn-FSav-v9_blbHvMk#/collections?id=31698664).

Note 3: Cf. Nataliya Ostasheva Venger, “Mennonite Privileges and Russian Modernization: Communities on a Path Leading to Legal and Social Integration (1789–1900), in European Mennonites and the Challenge of Modernity over Five Centuries. Contributors, Detractors, and Adaptors, edited by Mark Jantzen, Mary Sprunger, and John D. Thiesen (North Newton, KS: Bethel College, 2016), Kindle edition, oc. 2782. Also: Eric Lohr, Russian Citizenship: From Empire to Soviet Union (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), 88.

Note 4: Paul Werth, “Changing Conceptions of Difference, Assimilation, and Faith in the Volga-Kama Region, 1740–1870,” in Russian Empire: Space, People, Power, 1700–1930, edited by A. V. Remnev, Mark Von Hagen, and Jane Burbank, 169–195 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 169.

Note 5: Jacob D. Epp, A Mennonite in Russia: The Diaries of Jacob D. Epp, 1851–1880, translated and edited by Harvey L. Dyck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2013), 304.

Note 6: Cf. Paul Toews, “Mennonites and the Search for Military Exemption: State Concessions and Conflicts in the 1870’s,” in Вопросы германской истории [Voprosii Germanskoi Istorii], 81–105 (Dnepropetrovsk: Porogi, 2007), 10.

Note 7: Cf. Cornelius Janzen, Sammlung von Notizen über Amerika (Danzig: Thieme, 1872), https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1872/.

Note 8: Franz Isaac, Die Molotschnaer Mennoniten. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte derselben (Halbstadt, Taurien: H. J. Braun, 1908), 295f., https://archive.org/details/die-molotschnaer-mennoniten-editablea.

Note 9: In Isaac, Molotschnaer Mennoniten, 304–306; reprinted in Mennonitische Rundschau 39, no. 20 (May 17, 1916) 3f., https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1916-05-17_39_20/page/n1/mode/2up.

Note 10: Isaac, Molotschnaer Mennoniten, 303n.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Vaccinations in Chortitza and Molotschna, beginning in 1804

Vaccination lists for Chortitza Mennonite children in 1809 and 1814 were published prior to the COVID-19 pandemic with little curiosity ( note 1 ). However during the 2020-22 pandemic and in a context in which some refused to vaccinate for religious belief, the historic data took on new significance. Ancestors of some of the more conservative Russian Mennonite groups—like the Reinländer or the Bergthalers or the adult children of land delegate Jacob Höppner—were in fact vaccinating their infants and toddlers against small pox over two hundred years ago ( note 2 ). Also before the current pandemic Ukrainian historian Dmytro Myeshkov brought to light other archival materials on Mennonites and vaccination. The material below is my summary and translation of the relevant pages of Myeshkov’s massive 2008 volume on Black Sea German and their Worlds, 1781 to 1871 (German only; note 3 ). Myeshkov confirms that Chortitza was already immunizing its children in 1804 when their District Offic...

"A Small Town near Auschwitz” – Chortitza Mennonite Refugee/ Resettlement Camps

Simple proximity to a place of horrors does not equal knowledge or complicity. Many Gnadenfeld-area Mennonite refugees were, for example, temporarily housed 20 km. away from the Bergen-Belsen Concentration Camp where 15-year-old Anne Frank died ultimately of typhus ( note 1 ). The day after liberation by British troops on April 15, 1945, camp survivors began to flow through neighbouring villages. “What a sight they were! They had been tortured and starved, and were swollen from lack of food. … We could hardly believe that the glorious country of Germany could commit such crimes against people,” Susanna Toews wrote ( note 2 ). My mother was only seven, but she remembers overhearing shocking descriptions given by their host family’s teenaged girls forced by the British to clean some of the camp buses. What about the much larger death camp at Auschwitz? There is a book entitled: A Small Town near Auschwitz: Ordinary Nazis and the Holocaust. It is about an administrator living near the ...

“Operation Chortitza” (Part II) – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44

Waldemar Janzen, my former German professor and advisee, turned eleven years old in 1943. He and his mother and 3,900 others from Chortitza and Rosenthal (Ukraine) were evacuated west to the ethnic German resettler camps in Gau Danzig-West Prussia in October that year (see Part I; note 1 ). Years later Janzen could still recall much from this childhood experience—including the impact of the visit by Professor Benjamin H. Unruh a few weeks after their arrival. “He was a man who had extended much help to his fellow Mennonites ever since they began to emigrate from Russia during the 1920s” ( note 2 ). Unruh was a father-figure to his people, and his arrival at their camp in West Prussia signaled to the evacuees that they were in good hands ( note 3 ). Unruh’s impact on 7,000 other Chortitza District villagers in Upper Silesia would be the same some weeks later ( note 4 ). Surprisingly Unruh’s West Prussian camps visit left an equally indelible impression on the Gau’s Operations Commande...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Warthegau, Nazism and two 15-year-old Mennonites, 1944

Katharina Esau offered me a home away from home when I was a student in Germany in the 1980s. The Soviet Union released her and her family in 1972. Käthe Heinrichs—her maiden name (b. Aug. 18, 1928)—and my Uncle Walter Bräul were classmates in Gnadenfeld during Nazi occupation of Ukraine, and experienced the Gnadenfeld group “trek” as 15-year-olds together. Before she passed, she wrote her story ( note 1 )—and I had opportunity to interview my uncle. Käthe and Walter both arrived in Warthegau—German annexed Poland—in March 1944 ( note 2 ), and the Reich had a plan for their lives. In February 1944, the Governor of Warthegau ordered the Hitler Youth (HJ) organization to “care for Black Sea German youth” ( note 3 ). Youth were examined for the Hitler Youth, but also for suitability for elite tracks like the one-year Landjahr (farm year and service) program. The highly politicized training of the Landjahr was available for young people in Hitler Youth and its counterpart the League of G...