Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” (note 1).

The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin.

Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker (note 2).

In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:

“We cordially plead with you to help us as soon as possible—otherwise it looks like everyone will go astray, as the children of Israel did long ago when they turned from the Lord their God and had no leaders. So we too; we lack leaders and rulers, especially in spiritual matters.” (Note 3)

Multiple letters were sent to Prussian elders over the next years. Settlers expressed astonishment that they had been abandoned like “orphans” and “sheep in a foreign land,” in need of a “leader and ruler in spiritual matters” and a “physician” of the soul—especially for the “youth” (note 4).

In one letter, settlers reported that they had twelve couples waiting to be married—the young but also the newly widowed—and requested minimally “a wedding sermon, a sermon that would be suitable for a meeting at which church members were released or readmitted for disciplinary reasons, two [Bible] concordances, several song books and several copies of their confession of faith. They also requested that an elder be sent to them soon because they could not observe the Lord’s Supper without him” (note 5).

The Prussian ministerial was exceedingly slow to respond to correspondence from settlers and naïve about leadership possibilities—even thinking that perhaps the group never wanted an elder from outside their own settlement (note 6).

When the Frisian group appointed an elder, he was reported to be woefully inappropriate for the role and “provoked turbulence … just as he did [in Prussia],” according to the Prussian elder (note 7).

Before Prussian Mennonites left for Russia, land agent Georg Trappe confirmed that from his perspective everything was well prepared except that the clergy had not yet organized their strategy. Trappe pleaded with the Prussian group that they should make “every effort to organize good preachers (Lehrer) and shepherds of your souls, who will be concerned for the salvation of your souls and for the piety of your walk of life, so that you will also let your light shine in Russia before the people, that they may see your good works, and glorify your heavenly Father” (note 8).

The elders in Prussia had also assumed with Trappe that there would be “some mangy sheep in the herd, namely crude trouble-makers, where wisdom and faithful oversight in the service and work of the Lord would be necessary” (note 9). But this was precisely the role of the elder as articulated in the hymnal’s ordination liturgy:

"In order that the Lord’s commandments are kept holy and pure, [the elder must] eradicate the weeds that desolate the church; see that the flock is maintained in peace and unity at all times, prevent squabbles and quarrels, punish the despisers, remove all annoyances, and as an alert watchman, stand manly before the rift" (note 10).

David Cornelius Epp (1750-1802) arrived in Chortitza in 1792—three years after the first settlers—and “volunteered” to be elected elder, though he lacked the confidence of land scouts Höppner and Bartsch and of a significant minority in the community.

Epp’s first year as elder did not go well (note 11); it was detailed in a lengthy letter of formal complaint dated September 1793 to elders in Danzig and Prussia and endorsed by nineteen signatories. Epp was accused of exorbitant expenses, a lack of transparency and fraud with colony monies. Congregational members felt they had no other recourse than to issue a formal complaint to the governor regarding 1,129 rubles.

Epp had removed a preacher from office who dared challenge him, and “when matters are to be discerned in membership meetings, this seldom occurs in peace, but rather with so much fighting, quarrelling, noise, and yelling, that it is difficult to imagine if you have not seen it. … The Mennonite teachings have often been pushed far aside, actually most of the time,” according to the letter writers, including Höppner and Bartsch.

The elder’s leadership was responsible for “causing dissension, hate and strife and the like,” and the writers even compared Epp and his supporters with the militant, theocratic Anabaptist “Münsterites” of the 16th century! Not only was Epp a “fraudster” and a “liar,” who “seldom has as much money as he is able of spending,” he also drank heavily on the trek and was so intoxicated in Dubrovna that “he fell down the stairs,” according to the letter. The protesters also reminded the Prussian ministerial of Epp’s past, of having purchased stolen grain in Danzig and of not paying his debts before emigrating—even though he arrived with cash. In Mennonite tradition elders are chosen for life, but the Höppner group appealed to have Epp defrocked.

The letter of complaint to elders in Danzig and Prussia was both a cry of distress and statement of pious concern.

Epp was quick to respond and heightened the tension even more. “The colony also wants nothing to do with them,” Epp told church leadership in Prussia about Bartsch and Höppner, piling them in with those “quarrelling and divisive spirits” in the community, those “with disordered minds, disruptive, irreconcilable, and intent on wreaking havoc” (note 12).

The neglect of call and office by the Prussian ministerial to prepare, identify, mentor, ordain and send a fitting elder for the overwhelming needs of their daughter church in Russia was a direct and major cause of the near collapse of the Chortitza colony in its first decade.

Finally in 1794, six years after the first group left for Russia, an elder and minister were sent from Prussia to bring order in the community (note 13).

---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

--- Notes---

Note 1: Jacob Wienss, “Ein Chortitzer Brief aus dem Jahre 1805. Zur Frühgeschichte der Ansiedlung altpreußischer Mennoniten in Südrußland,” Mitteilungen des Sippenverbandes der Danziger Mennoniten Familien Epp-Kauenhowen-Zimmermann, no. 3 (1940) 68–71; 71. https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mitteilunge%20des%20Sippenverbandes%20der%20Danziger%20Mennoniten-Familien/1940-1941/.

Note 2: Cf. Walther Mitzka, “Die Sprache der deutschen Mennoniten,” Heimatblätter des Deutschen Heimatbundes Danzig 8, no. 1 (1930) 2–23; 9, http://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=12078; Johannes van der Smissen, The History of the Church in Chortitza. Towards an Understanding of the History of the Church in the Mennonite Colonies in South Russia (1856), translated and edited by William Schroeder, in Preservings, no. 15 (1999), 4, https://www.plettfoundation.org/preservings/archive/15/. George K. Epp, Geschichte der Mennoniten, vol. 1 (Lage: Logos, 1997) 84f.; Isaac Kröcker, Zwanzig Predigten über verschiedene Texte der heiligen Schrift (Königsberg, 1788).

Note 3: Letter to the Danzig Flemish congregation, December 18, 1789, signed by Peter Dyck, Cornelius Friesen, Jacob Wienß, Gerhard Neufeldt, Bernhard Penner, David Giesbrecht, reprinted in Franz Harder, “Die Auswanderung aus der Danziger Mennoniten-Gemeinde nach Rußland,” Mitteilungen des Sippenverbandes der Danziger Mennoniten Familien Epp-Kauenhowen-Zimmermann, no. 6 (1937) 184–197; 186f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Pis/K01.pdf.

Note 4: Letter in Gerhard Wiebe, “Verzeichniß der gehaltenen Predigten samt andern vorgefallenen Merkwürdigkeiten in der Gemeine Gottes in Elbing und Ellerwald von Anno 1778 d. 1. Januar,” transcriptions from the original by Willi Risto, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Buch/Risto1.pdf; also Ingrid Lamp: https://mla.bethelks.edu/Prussian Polish Mennonite sources/wiebe.html.

Note 5: Van der Smissen, "History of the Church in Chortitza," 4.

Note 6: Wiebe, “Verzeichniß,” 196; David H. Epp, Die Chortitzer Mennoniten. Versuch einer Darstellung des Entwicklungsganges derselben (Odessa, 1889) 55. https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Dok/Epp.pdf.

Note 7: Heinrich Donner and Johann Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik, transcribed by Werner Janzen, 2010, 46; 43. From Mennonite Library and Archives-Bethel College, Prussian-Polish sources (online). https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/cong_303/ok63/orlofferfeldechronik.html; English translation; https://www.mharchives.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Heinrich-Donner-Diary-12-Feb-2023.pdf.

Note 8: In D. Epp, Chortitzer Mennoniten, 46.

Note 9: Georg Trappe, in D. Epp, Chortitzer Mennoniten, 32.

Note 10: Hymn to be sung immediately after the ordination of a new elder: “Auf, jauchze! Lob’ und singe du Volk,” in Geistreiches Gesangbuch, zur öffentlichen und besondern Erbauung der Mennonitischen Gemeine in und vor der Stadt Danzig (Marienwerder, West Preußen, 1780), no. 298, v. 4 (p. 321), http://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=8000.

Note 11: For the following, cf. G. Wiebe, “Verzeichniß der gehaltenen Predigten.” Bartsch had quietly joined the Flemish by this point; cf. George K. Epp, Geschichte der Mennoniten, vol. I (Lage: Logos, 1997), 91. According to Henry Schapansky, Epp had embroiled himself “in a financial dispute with another Lehrer [preacher] and had arranged for this (unknown) Lehrer to be dismissed from office” (Schapansky, Old Colony (Chortitza) of Russia [Rosenort, MB: Self-published, 2001], 110).

Note 12: G. Wiebe, “Verzeichniß,” 228, 255.

Note 13: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2022/09/the-future-of-mennonite-church-is-not.html.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 18, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/shaky-beginings-as-faith-community.html.

Comments

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the

“Operation Chortitza” – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44 (Part I)

In October 1943, some 3,900 Mennonite resettlers from “Operation Chortitza” entered the Gau of Danzig-West Prussia. They were transported by train via Litzmannstadt and brought to temporary camps in Neustadt (Danzig), Preußisch Stargard (Konradstein), Konitz, Kulm on the Vistula, Thorn and some smaller localities ( note 1 ). The Gau received over 11,000 resettlers from the German-occupied east zones in 1943. Before October some 3,000 were transferred from these temporary camps for permanent resettlement in order to make room for "Operation Chortitza" ( note 2 ). By January 1, 1944 there were 5,473 resettlers in the Danzig-West Prussian camps (majority Mennonite); one month later that number had almost doubled ( note 3 ). "Operation Chortitza" as it was dubbed was part of a much larger movement “welcoming” hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans “back home” after generations in the east. Hitler’s larger plan was to reorganize peoples in Europe by race, to separate

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown,

"Anti-Menno" Communist: David J. Penner (1904-1993)

The most outspoken early “Mennonite communist”—or better, “Anti-Menno” communist—was David Johann Penner, b. 1904. Penner was the son of a Chortitza teacher and had grown up Mennonite Brethren in Millerovo, with five religious services per week ( note 1 )! In 1930 with Stalin firmly in power, Penner pseudonymously penned the booklet entitled Anti-Menno ( note 2 ). While his attack was bitter, his criticisms offer a well-informed, plausible window on Mennonite life—albeit biased and with no intention for reform. He is a ethnic Mennonite writing to other Mennonites. Penner offers multiple examples of how the Mennonite clergy in particular—but also deacons, choir conductors, Sunday School teachers, leaders of youth or women’s circles—aligned themselves with the exploitative interests of industry and wealth. Extreme prosperity for Mennonite industrialists and large landowners was achieved with low wages and the poverty of their Russian /Ukrainian workers, according to Penner. Though t

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and

Mennonite Heritage Week in Canada and the Russländer Centenary (2023)

In 2019, the Canadian Parliament declared the second week in September as “Mennonite Heritage Week.” The bill and statements of support recognized the contributions of Mennonites to Canadian society ( note 1 ). 2019 also marked the centenary of a Canadian Order in Council which, at their time of greatest need, classified Mennonites as an “undesirable” immigrant group: “… because, owing to their peculiar customs, habits, modes of living and methods of holding property, they are not likely to become readily assimilated or to assume the duties and responsibilities of Canadian citizenship within a reasonable time.” ( Pic ) With a change of government, this order was rescinded in 1922 and the doors opened for some 23,000 Mennonites to immigrate from the Soviet Union to Canada. The attached archival image of the Order in Council hangs on the office wall of Canadian Senator Peter Harder—a Russländer descendant. 2023 marks the centennial of the arrival of the first Russländer immigrant groups

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons: Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an influen

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

Blessed are the Shoe-Makers: Brief History of Lost Soles

A collection of simple artefacts like shoes can open windows onto the life and story of a people. Below are a few observations about shoes and boots, or the lack thereof, and their connection to the social and cultural history of Russian Mennonites. Curiously Mennonites arrived in New Russia shoe poor in 1789, and were evacuated as shoe poor in 1943 as when their ancestors arrived--and there are many stories in between. The poverty of the first Flemish elder in Chortitza Bernhard Penner was so great that he had only his home-made Bastelschuhe in which to serve the Lord’s Supper. “[Consequently] four of the participating brethren banded together to buy him a pair of boots which one of the [Land] delegates, Bartsch, made for him. The poor community desired with all its heart to partake of the holy sacrament, but when they remembered the solemnity of these occasions in their former homeland, where they dressed in their Sunday best, there was loud sobbing.” ( Note 1 ) In the 1802 C

History of the Russian Mennonites

Search This Blog