Skip to main content

Danzig-West Prussian Mennonites as Nazi Party “Local Group Leaders,” 1941

Danzig-West Prussian Mennonites generously embraced and cared for the religious and political challenges faced by Mennonites on the “trek” out of Ukraine (1943-44). A year later the Prussians would also flee the advancing Soviet armies, losing all. Memoirs capture that trauma—including multiple family suicides with weapon or poison (note 1). After the war many settled in Uruguay and later in Canada as well. Siegfried Bartel—a Mennonite Prussian military captain—became an evangelist for non-resistance in his later years (note 2). 

More recently historian Colin Neufeldt has explored his mother’s family story in an essay on “Mennonite collaboration with Nazism.” His “Ratzlaff family” was from the Mennonite community of Deutsch-Wymyschle (annexed Poland). Writing was difficult “especially when your family is on the wrong side of history and actively collaborated with the Nazis,” Neufeldt confessed (note 3). These Mennonites in Poland were among the first to be “liberated” by the German Reich.

A church directory of German Mennonites including Danzig-West Prussians was published in 1936 (note 4). Prussian enthusiasm for National Socialism was especially strong. An “overwhelming majority of elders and ministers in West Prussia and Danzig” are “members of the [Nazi] Party,” Russian Mennonite leader Benjamin Unruh boasted to officials in 1938, and “as Party members they wear the swastika on their chest with pride and joy,” according to denominational chair and lead minister in Elbing, Emil Händiges (note 5). These church leaders oriented co-religionists coming from Ukraine into the strange new world of Nazi Germany, instructed them in faith, and baptized them.

Recently I found a list of Danzig-West Prussian Nazi Party “Local Group Leaders” and compared it with the church directory (note 6). To my surprise the former is full of active, baptized Mennonites.

NSDAP (Nazi) Party leadership at the local level was in the hands of these “Local Group Leaders.” Cell and Block Nazi Party Wardens reported to their respective Local Group Leader. The local ideological training leader, the propaganda leader, the press leader, agricultural leaders, and the heads of the local chapters of Party women's organizations, Hitler Youth and League of German Girls, local Party members, etc. also reported to the Local Group Leader (see attached organizational chart). The Local Group Leader was obligated to monitor the ideological formation and orientation of all “leaders” within his area, with the responsibility to carry out Party priorities, the right of surveillance, the right to forbid or approve measures, meetings or activities, etc., according to the best interests of the Party, and charged to unite those under him into a cohesive corps (note 7).

In each of these roles the "political" and local administrative typically were fused into one person. Under the Group Leader, Party "Block Wardens" would, for example, encourage every household to subscribe to the Party’s monthly educational paper for political and ideological training, with topics, e.g., on genetics and keeping German blood pure, on Jews as scapegoats for Germany’s loss in World War, the importance of racial division and hierarchy, and on most subjects of the Party’s platform—and report back to the Group Leader (note 8).

Nazi Party “Local Group Leaders” in Danzig-West Prussia in 1941 who were baptized members of Mennonite congregations included:

  • Cornelius Dyck (Ladekopp; Heubuden Mennonite)
  • Gustav Fieguth (Simonsdorf; member of Heubuden Mennonite)
  • Albert Neufeldt (Rückenau; member of Heubuden Mennonite)
  • Hermann Neufeld (Groß Mausdorf; member of Heubuden Mennonite)
  • Gustav Sprunk (Wotzlaff; member of Heubuden Mennonite)
  • Walter Willms (Mühlbanz; member of Heubuden Mennonite)
  • Johannes Warkentin (Altmünsterberg; member of Tiegenhagen Mennonite)
  • Helmuth Klaassen (Tiegenort; Tiegenhagen Mennonite; baptism not confirmed)
  • Cornelius Dyck (Tiegenhagen; Member of Ladekopp Mennonite)
  • Ulrich Goertz (Falkenau; member of Tragheimerweide Mennonite)
  • Georg Unrau (Bonhöf; member of Tragheimerweide Mennonite)
  • Rudolf Janzen (Schwansdorf; member of Thiensdorf-Pr. Rosengart Mennonite)
  • Horst Ewert (Linde; member of Schönsee Mennonite)
  • Hans von Riesen (Neumünsterberg; member of Fürstenwerder Mennonite)
  • Georg Kerber (Montau; member of Montau-Gruppe Mennonite)
  • Heinrich Kopper (Dragaß; member of Montau-Gruppe Mennonite)
  • Albert Schroeder (Ligowo; member of Montau-Gruppe Mennonite)
  • Emil Wiebe (Münsterwalde; member of Danzig Mennonite)
  • Johannes Wiens (Altfelde; unable to confirm which Johannes Wiens)
  • Johannes Wiens (Jankendorf; unable to confirm which Johannes Wiens)


Other typical Mennonite names on the 1941 list of Danzig-West Prussian Nazi Party “Local Group Leaders” and who were also located in historic Mennonite communities include:

  • Gustav Bachman (Pelplin)
  • Günther Boese (Wandau)
  • Walter Dau, (Hohenstein)
  • Heinrich Dück (Dobrin)
  • Otto Funk (Kurzeback (Mewischfelde)
  • Emil Lemke (Reinland; Fürstenwerder)
  • Otto Lemke (Schöneberg)
  • Willi Peters (Lipno, Czernikowo)
  • Franz Reimer (Neukirch; Elbing)
  • Hans Reimer (Graudenz)
  • Erich Siebert (Markushof)
  • Heinrich Töws (Schöneich, Kulm)
  • Friedrich Unruh (Danzig)
  • Fritz Wiebe (Lipno)
  • Werner Wiens (Rosenort).

I have not been able to confirm the families and congregations of the individuals in the second list.

Background: After 1933, elected German state or provincial bodies were effectively replaced by 36 Nazi Party regional administrative districts--or the Gau system. Each Gau was led by a high-ranking Party official with near autocratic power, responsible to Hitler directly.

With the invasion of Poland and the Free City of Danzig in September 1939 two new Gaue (plural) were added to the Reich: Wartheland (or Warthegau) and Danzig-West Prussia (eventually a total of 43 Gaue). The Gau Deputy Leader for Danzig-West Prussia until 1939 was Otto Andres, member of the Tiegenhagen Mennonite Church and also Party District Leader (i.e., very powerful).

Each Gau was subdivided into districts (Kreise), each with a ranking Party member as District Leader (Kreisleiter), responsible to carry out the instructions of the Gau Leader. Danzig-West Prussia had 31 Party districts. Walter Neufeldt was Leader for the Marienburg Party District, and in 1941 District Leader for the Großes Werder as well. He was a member of the Heubuden Mennonite congregation. In his first speech in Danzig in 1939, Hitler asked Neufeldt about the Mennonites and was tasked to put together a briefing (note 9).

Under each District Leader were Local Group Leaders (Ortsgruppenleiter; 503 in the Gau in total) and below them, 2,938 Party “cells,” broken down further into “blocks,” each with their own Leader (see diagram).

Danzig-West Prussian Mennonites were involved at each level of Nazi Party leadership. Colin Neufeldt has given an example for Mennonite historians and families on how to explore this difficult chapter. Mennonite memoirs of the “trek” out of Ukraine in 1943-44 and the embrace by Prussian Mennonites are typically silent about the political entanglements of their co-religionists as well. I expect that materials like those above from Polish archives will continue to become more accessible in the years ahead. Greater scrutiny and honesty in telling this period of Mennonite history is overdue.

            --Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: As reported by Mennonite and former Party “Local Group Leader,” Gustav Fieguth: https://archive.org/details/ErichKernVerbrechenAmDeutschenVolkEineDokumentationAlliierterGrausamkeiten/page/n115/mode/2up?q=tiegenhof.

Note 2: Siegfried Bartel, Living with Conviction: German Army Captain Turns to Cultivating Peace (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC Publications, 1994), https://www.cmu.ca/docs/cmupress/CMU-BARTEL-Living-with-Conviction.pdf.

Note 3: Colin Neufeldt, “Mennonite collaboration with Nazism: A Case Study,” in European Mennonites and the Holocaust, edited by Mark Jantzen and John D. Thiesen, 172–201 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020), 192. See also idem and W. Marchlewski, "Divided loyalties: The political radicalization of Wymyśle Niemieckie Mennonites in interwar Poland (1918-1939)," Rocznik Teologiczny 64, no. 1 (2022), 175-229, http://rocznikteologiczny.eu/app/uploads/2022/05/rt_2022_06.pdf.

Note 4: See Christian Neff, ed., Mennonitisches Adreßbuch (Weierhof, 1936), https://mla.bethelks.edu/holdings/scans/Mennonitisches%20Adressbuch/; also individual 1935 congregational lists: https://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/prussia/.

Note 5: “Bericht über die Verhandlung im Braunen Haus in München betreffend die Regelung der Eidesfrage,” recorded by Gustav Reimer [deacon, Heubuden], July 4, 1938, 3; also Emil Händiges to Vereinigung Executive, June 23, 1938; in Vereinigung Collection, File Folder 1938, Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof.

Note 6: “Neues Anschriftenverzeichnis der Kreise und Ortsgruppen der NSDAP, Gau Danzig-Westpreußen,” Verordnungsblatt der NSDAP Gau Danzig-Westpreußen 5, no. 6 (June 1941), 8-37, https://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/publication/117319/edition/104759/content.

Note 7: For the tasks of the Nazi Party’s Group, Cell, and Block Leaders, see: “Menschenführung und -betreuung in der Ortsgruppe der NSDAP,” Schulungsbrief 8 & 9 (1938), 319-325, https://archive.org/details/nsdap-schulungsbrief-1938-08-09/page/n52/mode/1up (includes organizational pics as well). See also related Wikipedia entry: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Struktur_der_NSDAP#Ortsgruppenleiter.

Note 8: See the various of issues of the Party’s Schulungsbrief, https://archive.org/search?query=schulungsbrief&sort=-date.

Note 9: Diether Götz Lichdi, Mennoniten im Dritten Reich. Dokumentation und Deutung (Weierhof/Pfalz: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein, 1977), 180 n.62, https://archive.org/details/mennonitenimdrit0000lich/.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Danzig-West Prussian Mennonites as Nazi Party ‘Local Group Leaders,’ 1941,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 9, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/danzig-west-prussian-mennonites-as-nazi.html

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

"Motherhood of the People": Halbstadt Midwife Helene Berg and the SS

Recently Benjamin Goossen posted an important piece on the “well-known” Halbstadt midwife Helene Berg. Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler had taken a special interest in “old Mrs. Berg” and had publicly recognized her for helping birth some 8,000 Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) babies ( note 1 ). Goossen and I have shared archival materials in the past years. Below I would like to continue the exploration of Taunte Bojsche (or "Aunt Berg") and the surprisingly broad interest in her by Nazi officials as icon. I begin with a family story as a window onto the times. Some 35,000 Mennonites were evacuated out of German-occupied Ukraine in Fall 1943. After a grueling trek west the survivors landed in German-annexed Wartheland (previously Poland) where they were naturalized as German citizens. My grandmother Helene Bräul had eight children, and Helene Berg may very well have been her midwife for one or more of them. Like many Mennonite mothers in Wartheland, my grandmother was ...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

"In the Case of Extreme Danger" - Menno Pass and Refugee crisis, 1945-46

"In the Case of Extreme Danger 1. We are Russian-Mennonite refugees who are returning to Holland, the place of origin. The language is Low German. 2. The Dutch Mennonites there, Doopsgezinde , will take in all fellow-believing Mennonites from Russia who are in danger of compulsory repatriation. 3. The first stage of the journey is to Gronau in Westphalia. 4. As a precaution, purchase a ticket to an intermediate stop first. The last connecting station is Rheine. 5. Opposite Gronau is the Dutch city of Enschede, where you will cross the border. 6. On the border ask for Peter Dyck (Piter Daik), Mennonite Central Committee, Amsterdam, Singel 452. Peter Dyck (or his people) will distribute the relevant papers—“Menno Passes”--and provide further information. 7. Any other border points may also be crossed, with the necessary explanations (who, where to, Mennonites from Russia, Peter Dyck, M.C.C., etc.). The Dutch border Patrol is informed. 8. Here the whole matter must be h...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...