Skip to main content

When Singing becomes Urgent: Survival and Salvation through Music

Singing: survival and salvation

1) Language change, 1767, Danzig: Flemish Elder Hans van Steen published A Spiritual Hymnal for General Edification, designed also for private and family settings to “awaken devotion and edification,” and in particular for the youth—that they may “not use it out of mere habit, but rather for the true uplifting of the heart” (note 1).

2) Revivalism, 1850s. The influence of Eduard Wüst--revivalist minister installed by nearby separatist Evangelical Brethren--on the Mennonites was “boundless,” according to State Councillor E. H. Busch. “Satan is not entitled to present his own as the most joyful.” His people “sing, jump, leap (hüpfen) and dance,” while the Christian appears “cheerless and stooped over. … Why, when one opens a song book, are hymns about the cross and affliction chosen almost instinctively instead of songs of praise and thanksgiving? Isn’t the devil also having his fun in all of this?” Mennonite Brethren historian P.M. Friesen called him the “Second Menno” (note 2).

3) Renewal, 1860: Heinrich Franz’s Choralbuch (mit Ziphern) was published in its first edition of 5,000 copies. With the Choralbuch, four-part harmony was introduced, starting in the schools, “for the beauty, purity and correctness” as well as “uniformity” of singing across congregations. Besides offering 163 melodies for songs in the hymnal, the Choralbuch also introduced another 112 songs for church, school and home. For Franz, singing participates in God’s own work of “training for the kingdom of heaven.” Four decades later P. M. Friesen wrote that Franz’s “Chorale-book in ciphers has transformed the spiritual singing of Russian Mennonites (…) and even dominates it today” (note 3).



4) Famine, 1922: The Pordenau Mennonite Church choir conductor J. Thiessen gave an impromptu New Year’s speech on the significance of choral singing in times like these (revolution; famine): “Our choirs should represent the sensible, religious and moral foundation of our community. They should be vocal consciences of our society. Music should keep us from doing evil, should judge evildoing, and inspire the love of the good and the beautiful” (note 4).

5) Early Soviet era, 1925: The Chortitza Mennonite Church with some 3000 to 3500 members and adherents agreed on a strategy to survive Bolshevism: more frequent gathering, teaching, singing and more consistent church discipline, including the ban for those who marry outside the faith: “The Brotherhood agrees that in order to elevate the ethical and moral condition of our congregation, it is of great importance that … congregational singing be enhanced by the choirs, for which our adolescent youth should be engaged” (note 5).

6) Early Soviet era, 1926: Despite close Soviet government observation and concerns about Mennonite activities, officials sanctioned a two-day gathering in Rudnerweide for choir conductors in 1925, followed by a very large, six-day choral workshop and festival in the Lichtenau (Molotschna) Mennonite Church in January 1926, with seventy-seven choral conductors. Congregational youth choirs were flourishing—“proof that the love of singing has not been lost to a large part of our youth not even in the difficult time that lies behind us” (note 6; pic).

7) Early Stalin era, 1929: “Many Mennonites desire to emigrate at any cost. … Two new ordinances threatening the very existence of the Mennonites have touched off this new wave of emigration ... . First, church choirs … which are a strong means of attraction for the Mennonite church, are to be abolished. Second, Mennonite preachers will be forbidden to preach outside their own congregations” (note 7).

8) Famine and Collectivization, 1934: A youth choir in Pordenau was still allowed—indeed ordered by the village Chairman Harder, under the direction of Gerhard Riesen. However, the choir “was not permitted to sing religious songs, only folk songs ... .” But by and large, “attempts by the Bolsheviks to start new choirs failed because there was no interest” (note 8).

9) Repression, Stalin, 1935: “Our brother stood quietly some distance because for him it was risky to be with us. ... We stood close to mother’s coffin and sang in barely audible tones her favourite song.” Albert Dahl’s father (Marienthal)--a choir conductor--was later falsely accused of leading hymns at a funeral (note 9).

10) Nazi German occupation, 1941: In Paulsheim, Molotschna, Nellie Bräul Epp (my mother’s cousin) remembered worship in homes led by women, and a choir for teenage girls; she had never been in a choir—it was all so new (note 10).

11) Nazi-Annexed Poland, 1944: S.S. Storm Leader Karl Götz’s Volksdeutsche teachers college was relocated to Lutbrandau, and he was followed by a larger number of Mennonite students: “We were told that it was alright to believe in God, but Jesus was rejected because he was a Jew. … While we did not go to church we were allowed to pray and to read our Bibles, and on Sundays we Mennonite girls would sing hymns in our rooms”—something not allowed under Stalin (note 11).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Geistreiches Gesangbuch, zur öffentlichen und besondern Erbauung der Mennonitischen Gemeine in und vor der Stadt Danzig (Marienwerder, West Preußen, 1780), 4, http://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=8000.

Note 2: On Wüst, see previous post: https://www.facebook.com/groups/MennoniteGenealogyHistory/posts/6044927492207904/. Cf. E. H. Busch, Ergänzungen der Materialien zur Geschichte und Statistik des Kirchen- und Schulwesens der Ev.-Luth. Gemeinden in Russland, vol. 1 (St. Petersburg: Gustav Haessel, 1867), 261, https://chortitza.org/pdf/nfast3.pdf. On Wüst, cf. Mennonite Brethren publisher Abraham Kröker, Pfarrer Eduard Wüst: Der große Erweckungsprediger in den deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands (Spat, Crimea: Self-published, ca. 1903), https://chortitza.org/Pis/Kroeker.pdf. Eduard Wüst, Drei Weihnachts-Predigten gehalten in der Berdianischen Brüder-Gemeinde am Asowischen Meer in der Weihnachts-Zeit [1851] (Reval: Lindfors, 1853), https://mla.bethelks.edu/books/252_61_W967d/; Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 199; 211f., https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/page/n165/mode/2up.

Note 3: H. Franz (1880), “Vorwort,” Choralbuch zunächst zum Gebrauch in den mennonitischen Schulen Südrusslands, 2nd edition (Leipzig, 1880), https://imslp.org/wiki/Choralbuch_zun%C3%A4chst_zum_Gebrauch_in_den_mennonitischen_Schulen_S%C3%BCdrusslands_(Franz%2C_Heinrich); P. Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 712. See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/when-singing-becomes-urgent-survival.html

Note 4: January 12, 1922, cited in Diary of Anna Baerg, 1916–1924, translated and edited by Gerald Peters (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1985), 79.

Note 5: “Protokoll der allgemeinen Bruderschaft der Chortitzer Mennoniten Gemeinde, January 2, 1925.” David G. Rempel Papers. Box 1, File 16. From Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto.

Note 6: “Die Dirigentenversammlung in Lichtenau,” Unser Blatt 1, no. 5 (February 1926): 96f. https://chortitza.org/ZUB.htm; for picture, cf. Gerhard Lohrenz, ed., Damit es nicht vergessen werde (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1974), 157. Cf. also "Gottesdienstlicher Gesang und Sängerchöre,” Unser Blatt 1, no. 1 (October 1925): 13; also “Die Bedeutung des Gesanges,” Unser Blatt I, no. 6 (March 1926): 135, and many others, https://chortitza.org/ZUB.htm

Note 7: Der Auslanddeutsche 12, no. 12 (1929), 410, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/?file=vpetk324.pdf.

Note 8: Peter Letkemann, “From Songs of Praise to Songs of Mourning: Choral Singing, 1915–1950,” in Road to Freedom: Mennonites Escape the Land of Suffering, edited by Harry Loewen, 247–253 (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2000), 252; “Chortitza Dorfbericht,” sec. VII (d) “Gesangchöre, 7b (4), in Stumpp, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” Prepared for the German Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, 1942, https://tsdea.archives.gov.ua/deutsch/gallery.php?tt=R_6_622+Gebiet%3A+Zwischen%0D%0ARayon%3A+Chortizza%0D%0AKreisgebiet%3A+Saporoshje%0D%0AGenerelbezirk%3A+Dnjepropertrowsk+Dorf%3A+Chortitza%0D%0Arussisch+%E2%80%93+Chortitza+&p=R_6_622%5C%D1%821_01-188%0D%0A#lg=1&slide=15.

Note 9: In Lost Generation and other Stories, edited by Gerhard Lohrenz (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1982), 133; and Albert Dahl, interview with the author (ANF), July 26, 2017.

Note 10: Nellie Bräul Epp, interview with the author (ANF), 2017.

Note 11: Katie Friesen, Into the Unknown (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1986), 80f.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Executioner of Dnepropetrovsk, 1937-38

Naum Turbovsky likely killed more Mennonites than anyone in the longer history of the Anabaptist-Mennonite movement. This is an emotionally difficult post to write because one of those men was my grandfather, Franz Bräul, born 1896. In 2019, I received the translation of his 30-page arrest, trial and execution file. To this point my mother never knew her father's fate. Naum Turbovsky's signature is on Bräul's execution order. Bräul was shot on December 11, 1937. Together with my grandfather's NKVD/ KGB file, I have the files of eight others arrested with him. Turbovsky's file is available online. Days before he signed the execution papers for those in this group, Turbovsky was given an award for the security of his prison and for his method of isolating and transferring prisoners to their interrogation—all of which “greatly contributed to the success of the investigations over the enemies of the people,” namely “military-fascist conspirators, spies and saboteurs.” T

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

"Women Talking" -- and Canadian Mennonites

In March 2023 the film "Women Talking" won an Oscar for "Best adapted Screenplay." It was based on the novel of the same name by Mennonite Miriam Toews. The conservative Mennonites portrayed in the film are from the "Manitoba Colony" in Bolivia--with obvious Canadian connections. Now that many Canadians have seen the the film, Mennonites like me are being asked, "So how are you [in Markham-Stouffville, Waterloo or in St. Catharines] connected to that group?" Most would say, "We're not that type of Mennonite." And mostly that is a true answer, though unnuanced. Others will say, "Well, it is complex," but they can't quite unfold the complexity.  Below is my attempt to do just that. At the heart of the story are things that happened in Ukraine (at the time "New" or "South" Russia) over 200 years ago. It is not easy to rebuild the influence and contribution of "Russian Mennonite" women and th

Prof. Benjamin Unruh as a Public Figure in the Nazi Era

Professor Benjamin H. Unruh (1881-1959) was a relief and immigration leader, educator, leading churchman, and official representative of Russian Mennonites outside of the Soviet Union throughout the National Socialism era in Germany. Unruh’s biography is connected to the very beginnings of Mennonite Central Committee in 1920-1922 when he served as a key spokesperson in Germany for the famine-stricken Mennonites in South Russia. Some years later he again played the central role in the rescue of thousands of Mennonites from Moscow in 1929 and, along with MCC, their resettlement in Paraguay, Brazil, and Canada. Because of Unruh’s influence and deep connections with key German government agencies in Berlin, his home office in Karlsruhe, Germany, became a relief hub for Mennonites internationally. Unruh facilitated large-scale debt forgiveness for Mennonites in Paraguay and Brazil, and negotiated preferential consideration for Mennonite relief work to the Soviet Union during the Great Famin

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism ( Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend ) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch ( note 1 ). Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” ( note 2 ). In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha

“First Arrival of German Troops in Halbstadt” (Volksfreund, April 20, 1918)

“ April 19, 1918 will always remain significant in the history of the Molotschna German Colony. That which until recently could hardly be imagined has occurred: the German military has arrived to free us from the despotism, rape and pillaging of barbarous people and to reestablish the order and security of life and property--something desperately necessary for our land. For this we give thanks above all to the One in whose hands the peoples and nations and also individuals rest. ...” ( Note 1 ) Mennonites greeted their “guests and liberators” with festivities that included baked goods (Zwieback), meats and even the German anthem “ Deutschland, Deutschland über alles "—all before the watchful eyes of their Russian /Ukrainian neighbours. The troops arrived by train; and to the shock of most present, three bound prisoners—all well-known bandits and terrorists—“were brought out of one of the railway cars without any prior notice, lined up and shot right in front of us” as an exampl

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse

What does it cost to settle a Refugee? Basic without Medical Care (1930)

In January 1930, the Mennonite Central Committee was scrambling to get 3,885 Mennonites out of Germany and settled somewhere fast. These refugees had fled via Moscow in December 1929, and Germany was willing only to serve as first transit stop ( note 1 ). Canada was very reluctant to take any German-speaking Mennonites—the Great Depression had begun and a negative memory of war resistance still lingered. In the end Canada took 1,344 Mennonites and the USA took none born in Russia. Paraguay was the next best option ( note 2 ). The German government preferred Brazil, but Brazil would not guarantee freedom from military service, which was a problem for American Mennonite financiers. There were already some conservative "cousins" from Manitoba in Paraguay who had negotiated with the government and learned through trial and error how to survive in the "Green Hell" of the Paraguayan Chaco. MCC with the assistance of a German aid organization purchased and distribute