Skip to main content

Nazified German Mennonite World into which Mennonites from Ukraine Received

By March 1944, some 35,000 Mennonites in Ukraine had been evacuated by Nazi Germany and resettled mostly in German-annexed Poland. Here they came under the spiritual oversight of the Mennonite churches in the German Reich, and granted its same racial and religious privileges. This vignette gives a glimpse of the pro-Nazi orientation and commitments of Mennonites in Germany (note 1).  

Praise for Germany’s territorial expansion and the unity of German people—with the triumphant entry of the Führer Adolf Hitler into Austria—topped even the Easter message in the April 1938 issue of the denominational paper, Mennonitische Blätter (note 2).

“To the throne of the Most High we raise our hearts and hands for our Führer and for our whole people (Volk) with the petition: ‘May the Lord our God be with us as he was with our ancestors; may he never leave us nor forsake us. May he turn our hearts to him, to walk in obedience to him and keep the commands, decrees and laws he gave our ancestors’ (1 Kings 8:57f.). [Signed] Emil Händiges, Chair, Vereinigung (Union) of German Mennonite Congregations.”

The same year, only days before the bloody Reichskristallnacht (Night of Broken Glass) pogrom in November, Danzig Mennonite Pastor Erich Göttner presented a key note address in the large Heubuden, West Prussian Mennonite church—deeply aware of the gravity of the times and the responsibility of being placed by God into a “specific Volk (ethnic people)—our German Volk;” for the call of Christ “to stay alert” spiritually for what is arising in the present and its driving forces; for the goal-oriented, unified coordination of all national energies [totalitarianism]; for the cultivation of race [aryanism] and kinship, and for need to participate with all one’s strength, and be salt and light.

The foundations of faith were shaking and Göttner was aware that for many young adults the churches were simply not keeping pace, seen as “outdated, museums in which the air of the past blows; they hold fast to ossified doctrines and stand removed from the vibrant momentum of the present; they fight over words and teachings, instead of acting practically … robbing us of the unbroken joy in life, and making us inwardly divided and powerless, to enemies of the world and culturally inept” (note 3).

Göttner was also aware that in the upheavals and questions of the day many of their own young adults found the language of the Bible distant, alien and irrelevant to their lives. They were bombarded with the most diverse worldviews each with competing claims about ultimate reality and the shape of a good human life. He pointed to the attraction of atheism or agnosticism in reductionist scientific worldviews, but also to the Volk-centred religiosity which derives religion from race and nation.

The conclusion that both he and his Elbing colleague Elder Händiges drew was that their Mennonite-Christian youth can be gospel-flavoured “salt” for the inner renewal of Volk and Fatherland; that they can coordinate their energies with those outcomes of the “total state.”

But Göttner reminded readers: to stay alert, to recognize the spiritual battle, to read scripture with Christ as the one foundation, to learn and be inspired by the sixteenth-century Anabaptists. Good advice.

Five years into Hitler's rule things had clearly turned a corner and there was much to "celebrate". On the five-year anniversary of the raise of National Socialism, the recently retired Pastor Gustav Kraemer of Krefeld noted that the arts are now accessible to all, and Germans are learning to sing again—and not simply Mardi Gras songs or Berlin hits. Movies and magazines have been purged of smut and obscenities. The fine arts are no longer “dependent on the praise or ridicule of Jewish media bandits” or subject to “the defilement and devastations of perverse demons.” Kraemer pointed to the early Anabaptist movement as a purely German Christian movement. He saw a direct parallel between the Anabaptist emphasis on being salt and light, and the “positive Christianity” affirmed in the Nazi Party platform—“life-affirming, active, creative Christianity" (note 4).

Händiges noted that same year that "a number of well-respected members of the Mennonite ministerial wear the Swastika [pin] with pride and joy as Party members" (note 5).

In 1933 when Hitler had seized power there were approximately 13,000 Mennonites in the German Reich, with another 6,000 in the Free City of Danzig and a further 1,000 in neighbouring regions. Upon becoming Chancellor, Prussian Mennonites sent official congratulations to Hitler:

“The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising that God has given our people (Volk) through your vigor and action, and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of our fathers, 'For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” (Note 6)

Hitler responded in a letter received by Elder Franz Regehr, Tiegenhof:

“[From] The Reich Chancellor, Berlin, September 1933. I would like to express my sincere thanks for the loyal attitude that you expressed in your letter and your willingness to work on building the German Reich. -Adolf Hitler.” (Note 7)

Hitler was explicitly introduced to Mennonites six years later in 1939 when the City of Danzig was “returned” to the German Reich—including the larger Mennonite communities of Heubuden, Ladekopp, Orlofferfelde, Fürstenwerder and Rosenort. Long-time Nazi Party member and Tiegenhagen Mennonite Church member Otto Andres was named Lieutenant Governor of Danzig-West Prussia in Fall 1939 under the new Governor and Regional Party Leader Albert Forster.

Hitler entered Danzig triumphantly on September 19, 1939 following Germany’s attack on Poland. Forster welcomed Hitler officially at the “Artushof” in Danzig, where Hitler gave a major speech (see pic; note 8).

After the official program, Hitler was guest of honour in the Party Chancellery on Jopen Street. Heubuden Mennonite Church member and elected District Administrator for Marienburg, Walter Neufeldt, was invited for this VIP reception with Hitler, and here he spoke to the Führer directly about the Mennonites. In 1976 Neufeldt told Horst Gerlach—Mennonite teacher and historian, Weierhof—about the encounter. Here are Gerlach’s notes:

“Gauleiter Forster, Marienburg District Administrator Walter Neufeldt, District Educational Leader [Wilhelm] Löbsack [Reich Propaganda Office], historian Professor [Walther] Recke, several senators and other people were present. In the course of the conversation, the topic of the persecution of Huguenots in France came up, and then the topic of sectarians. In this context, Löbsack also referred to the Mennonites as positive forces in the history of religion. They came from the Netherlands, cultivated the Danzig Delta and then many moved to Russia and achieved great colonizing successes in the Ukraine—similar to those in the Delta. While Löbsack was saying this, he pointed to Neufeldt and said: 'And a person from this sect just happens to be sitting right there.' Hitler was surprised because he had not heard about the Mennonites. He had Neufeldt briefly explain to him their most important basic beliefs. Neufeldt then enumerated a number of principles: lay-ministerial leadership, according to which the preachers and elders are elected from within the congregation; the cohesion of the congregation and the support of the whole for the individual who is in need. He mentioned the persecutions suffered in the Netherlands for the sake of faith, and the rejection of the oath. He also mentioned that Mennonites who broke their word were expelled from the church.

Hitler listened to all of this. He was particularly impressed by the principle of the lay-ministerial leadership. He also found the unconditional support of the community for the individual and the expulsion of those who break their word from the community worthy of recognition. Literally he said: 'Future religious founders should take something like this as an example' [Löbsack had opened the conversation by asking Hitler to become a founder of a religion --Götz Lichdi]. Hitler instructed Gauleiter Forster to send him further documents about the Mennonites. Forster passed this order on to District Administrator Neufeldt. He then collected documents via Elder Heinrich Dyck and Deacon Gustav Reimer, both from the Heubuden Mennonite Church. Professor Keyser from the Technical University of Danzig-Langfuhr added to this collection of material about the Mennonites, and then the whole file was passed on to Hitler. Neufeldt never found out what effects - positive or negative - this conversation or the submitted materials had. Neufeldt subsequently met Hitler two more times. But Hitler never returned to the subject of Mennonites." (Note 9)

Hitler may not have known much about the Mennonites, but by this point (1939) Mennonites were very familiar with Hitler. A 1937 public statement reprinted in the Mennonitische Blätter, for example, reaffirmed the “unconditional loyalty” of German Mennonites to the Führer and the Third Reich, and identified the following marks of the broader Mennonite tradition: baptizing upon personal confession of faith; following Christ in a new life of obedience; rejecting external coercion in matters of faith; and committing to truthfulness in word and deed. The latter is the “foundation for all morality,” the statement reads, and its sign is the rejection of oaths, as per Matthew 5:34-37. The approved wording of the “pledge” of unconditional obedience to Hitler is given in full. The text affirms that Mennonites “honor worldly authority and human order,” and believe it is “a Christian obligation to serve conscientiously Volk and state” (note 10).

This was the nazified German Mennonite world into which Mennonites extracted out of Ukraine were received and supported (note 11).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/first-christmas-for-black-sea-germans.html.

Note 2: Emil Händiges, "Das ganze Deutschland soll es sein!," Mennonitische Blätter 85, no. 4 (April , 1938), 7, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Blaetter/1933-1941/DSCF1228.JPG; see also his speech on the 50th anniversary of the denomination a few weeks earlier, Mennonitische Warte: https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Warte/DSCF3670.JPG.

Note 3: Erich Göttner, “Der Ruf der Stunde an unsere Gemeinden,” in Gemeindeblatt der Mennoniten 70, no. 2 (January 15, 1939), 6-9; and part II, 70, no. 3-4 (February 1, 1939), 12-14. https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Gemeindeblatt%20der%20Mennoniten/1933-1941/DSCF7800.JPG; Emil Händiges, “Jugendfürsorge,” in Mennonitisches Lexikon II, edited by C. Hege and C. Neff, 441–445. (Frankfurt a.M./Weierhof, 1937), 444; 441: “Whoever has the youth, has the future. The Anabaptists knew and took heed of this truth early on … .” See also previous post on German Mennonites and Kristallnacht, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/holocaust-remembrance-day-january-27.html.

Note 4: Gustav Kraemer, Wir und unsere Volksgemeinschaft 1938, Lecture delivered in Heubuden, January 25, 1938 (Krefeld: Consistorium der Mennonitengemeinde Krefeld, 1938), 8; 21, 23, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/1938,%20Kraemer%20Wir%20und%20unsere%20Volksgemeinschaft/. Cf. “National Socialist German Workers’ Party Program,” § 24. 

Note 5: Emil Händiges, June 23, 1938 to Vereinigung Executive and Daniel Dettweiler, in Mennonitische Forschungsstelle Weierhof, Vereinigung Collection, folder 1938.

Note 6: “Bericht über die 4. allgem. westpr. Konferenz in Tiegenhagen am 10. September 1933,” Mennonitische Blätter 80, no. 10 (October 1933), 101, https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/publication/25855/edition/24784/content.

Note 7: “Die Antwort der Reichsregierung auf die Begrüßungsgtelegramme der Konferenz zu Tiegenhagen, Freie Stadt Danzig,” Mennonitische Blätter 80, no. 11 (November 1933), 109, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Blaetter/1933-1941/DSCF0884.JPG.

Note 8: Hitler Speech in Artushof, Danzig, September 19, 1939,audio: https://archive.org/details/19390919AdolfHitlerRedeImArtushofInDanzig1h02m; English: https://der-fuehrer.org/reden/english/39-09-19.htm.

Note 9: Interview by Horst Gerlach/Weierhof with Walter Neufeldt on August 2, 1976, in Ahrensburg by Hamburg, in Diether Götz Lichdi, Mennoniten im Dritten Reich. Dokumentation und Deutung (Weierhof/Pfalz: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein, 1977), 60, https://archive.org/details/mennonitenimdrit0000lich/.

Note 10: “Grundsätzliches über die deutschen Mennoniten, über ihre Stellung zu Wehrpflicht und Eid, und ihr Verhältnis zum Dritten Reich,” Mennonitische Blätter 84, no. 10 (October 1937), 72-74, 73, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Blaetter/1933-1941/DSCF1181.JPG. In 1938 Mennonites were recognized by the Nazi regime like the larger churches as a specifically Christian denomination, and that Mennonites did not need to swear an oath to become a member of the Nazi Party (Mennonitische Warte 4, no. 42 [June 1938], 231, https://chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk366.pdf).

Note 11: See previous posts, as well as my published essay “German Mennonite Theology in the Era of National Socialism,” in European Mennonites and the Holocaust, edited by Mark Jantzen and John D. Thiesen, 125–152 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020).

 











Print Friendly and PDF


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the

“Operation Chortitza” – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44 (Part I)

In October 1943, some 3,900 Mennonite resettlers from “Operation Chortitza” entered the Gau of Danzig-West Prussia. They were transported by train via Litzmannstadt and brought to temporary camps in Neustadt (Danzig), Preußisch Stargard (Konradstein), Konitz, Kulm on the Vistula, Thorn and some smaller localities ( note 1 ). The Gau received over 11,000 resettlers from the German-occupied east zones in 1943. Before October some 3,000 were transferred from these temporary camps for permanent resettlement in order to make room for "Operation Chortitza" ( note 2 ). By January 1, 1944 there were 5,473 resettlers in the Danzig-West Prussian camps (majority Mennonite); one month later that number had almost doubled ( note 3 ). "Operation Chortitza" as it was dubbed was part of a much larger movement “welcoming” hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans “back home” after generations in the east. Hitler’s larger plan was to reorganize peoples in Europe by race, to separate

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown,

"Anti-Menno" Communist: David J. Penner (1904-1993)

The most outspoken early “Mennonite communist”—or better, “Anti-Menno” communist—was David Johann Penner, b. 1904. Penner was the son of a Chortitza teacher and had grown up Mennonite Brethren in Millerovo, with five religious services per week ( note 1 )! In 1930 with Stalin firmly in power, Penner pseudonymously penned the booklet entitled Anti-Menno ( note 2 ). While his attack was bitter, his criticisms offer a well-informed, plausible window on Mennonite life—albeit biased and with no intention for reform. He is a ethnic Mennonite writing to other Mennonites. Penner offers multiple examples of how the Mennonite clergy in particular—but also deacons, choir conductors, Sunday School teachers, leaders of youth or women’s circles—aligned themselves with the exploitative interests of industry and wealth. Extreme prosperity for Mennonite industrialists and large landowners was achieved with low wages and the poverty of their Russian /Ukrainian workers, according to Penner. Though t

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and

Mennonite Heritage Week in Canada and the Russländer Centenary (2023)

In 2019, the Canadian Parliament declared the second week in September as “Mennonite Heritage Week.” The bill and statements of support recognized the contributions of Mennonites to Canadian society ( note 1 ). 2019 also marked the centenary of a Canadian Order in Council which, at their time of greatest need, classified Mennonites as an “undesirable” immigrant group: “… because, owing to their peculiar customs, habits, modes of living and methods of holding property, they are not likely to become readily assimilated or to assume the duties and responsibilities of Canadian citizenship within a reasonable time.” ( Pic ) With a change of government, this order was rescinded in 1922 and the doors opened for some 23,000 Mennonites to immigrate from the Soviet Union to Canada. The attached archival image of the Order in Council hangs on the office wall of Canadian Senator Peter Harder—a Russländer descendant. 2023 marks the centennial of the arrival of the first Russländer immigrant groups

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an influen

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

Blessed are the Shoe-Makers: Brief History of Lost Soles

A collection of simple artefacts like shoes can open windows onto the life and story of a people. Below are a few observations about shoes and boots, or the lack thereof, and their connection to the social and cultural history of Russian Mennonites. Curiously Mennonites arrived in New Russia shoe poor in 1789, and were evacuated as shoe poor in 1943 as when their ancestors arrived--and there are many stories in between. The poverty of the first Flemish elder in Chortitza Bernhard Penner was so great that he had only his home-made Bastelschuhe in which to serve the Lord’s Supper. “[Consequently] four of the participating brethren banded together to buy him a pair of boots which one of the [Land] delegates, Bartsch, made for him. The poor community desired with all its heart to partake of the holy sacrament, but when they remembered the solemnity of these occasions in their former homeland, where they dressed in their Sunday best, there was loud sobbing.” ( Note 1 ) In the 1802 C