Skip to main content

Mennonite Love Affair with the Bible Society

Two evangelical Quaker missionaries and Bible distributors, Stephen Grellet and William Allen, visited the Mennonite colonies in 1819. They were invited to Russia by their “friend” Tsar Alexander I four years earlier (note 1). The missionaries were advocates of prison reform, good hospitals and schools—including for girls—religious lessons and the broad distribution of Bibles. Their purpose was to teach, to “strengthen,” “comfort” and “give much counsel to Mennonite elders and ministers,” and to distribute Christian reading materials” (note 2). The Quakers found kindred spirits. Allen wrote his daughter that “the whole subject of these [Mennonite] colonies is so interesting, that I hardly know how to keep my letter in moderate compass” (note 3).

Two years later the Molotschna was visited by a delegation from the non-denominational British and Foreign Bible Society and the Russian Bible Society—the latter headed by the Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs and Education in the government of Tsar Alexander I. The British agent, Reverend Ebeneezer Henderson, placed before Molotschna elders and its “leading men”—undoubtedly Johann Cornies is meant here—a “higher” vision for Mennonite existence and mission in New Russia. Henderson wrote in 1826:

“Placed in the centre of an extensive territory, where they are surrounded by Russians of various sects, Germans, Greeks, Bulgarians, Tatars, and Jews, we could not but regard them as destined by Divine Providence to shine as lights in a dark place, and took an opportunity of pointing out to their Elders, and other leading men, their obligations to use their endeavours to enlighten all around them, by promoting, to the utmost of their power, the circulation of the Holy Scriptures among them, in their different languages. Our proposal, that they should establish a Moloshnaia Bible Society, they cheerfully acceded to, and have since carried it into effect. … As they live on habits of friendship and intimacy with their Tatar neighbours, and one of their principal men [Cornies] speaks the Tatar with fluency, we furnished him with a good supply of New Testaments, and other portions of Scripture, in that language, that they might commence their operations without delay." (Note 4)

The vision resonated with Johann Cornies and some elders. Soon the Molotschna branch of the Bible Society was the largest outside of St. Petersburg. But it would not prove easy to keep up this level of enthusiasm. In March of the same year Cornies wrote to his friend David Epp in Prussia:

“Our Bible Society’s account in St. Petersburg is more than 6,000 rubles. The sale of books of holy scripture has not yet declined, which means that the Bibles are being read. Last year, sales brought in 672 rubles, 25 kopeks. Sixty-three members paid 227 rubles, 78 kopeks, and donated 29 rubles, 30 kopeks. [But] our membership is declining. … Our interest is immediately awakened, but then falls off.” (Note 5)

For decades Mennonites in Russia were seen by Bible, missionary and tract societies in Berlin, London, Basel and the United States as strategically placed to support missionary activity deep into central Asia and even China (note 6).

Some ministers however thought that these innovations were destructive to the fabric of Mennonite faith and life. Old Flemish Minister Jacob Warkentin (Molotschna) appealed to the Prussian mother church and requested to have their own elder. His fear was that Elder Bernhard Fast’s support for a Molotschna branch of the Russian Bible Society would link them to other religious groups and could “make us subject to military service”; they thought the “military-like” offices of president, secretary, etc. displayed pride rather than piety (note 7). “The problem, as one contemporary recalled, was that “most Mennonites had no idea what missions or a missionary was” (note 8).

But interest in scripture distribution grew. Orders from the Chortitza Mennonite church were also placed through Cornies’ office. Assistant Phillip Wiebe wrote minister David Epp (Chortitza) in September 1840:

“ … You will receive the accompanying crate marked D.E. containing seven Bibles for seven silver rubles, seventy kopeks, and nine Bibles for nine silver rubles, for a total of fifty-eight rubles, forty-five kopeks, plus ten New Testaments for twenty rubles and eighteen Bible stories at 105 kopeks for eighteen rubles, ninety kopeks. ... It was not possible to meet your wishes completely with respect to the Bibles, since the supply in the local depot was not sufficient, as is the case with New Testaments for one ruble eighty, of which there are only three or four left. They are preferred here as they are there. Mr. Cornies also requests that you kindly take the eighteen copies of Bible stories on consignment. Please notify my employer, who is cashier and depot director, about the receipt of the crate.” (Note 9)

Prussian Mennonites were also invited “to take collections in support of the dissemination of the Word of God among Evangelicals [Protestants] in the Russian Empire;” these were sent directly to Cornies (note 10).

In 1843 one visitor from the London Bible Society was very much impressed with the spiritual leadership especially in the Molotschna Colony—spearheaded by a few church leaders and Cornies.

“There are a few [who are] zealous for the glory of God; who maintain spiritual worship, both in public and private. … They have one very able man among them, by whose labors, partly, this pleasing state of things has been brought about.” (Note 11)

“Among these good friends, I found the preachers most willing to forward the work of Scripture distribution; and I was happy to be able to give them a supply, of which they were greatly in want. May the Lord bless the labors of these good men, for the benefit of all the surrounding colonies.” (Note 12)

Cheap Bibles and free German religious tracts provided through the British and Foreign Bible Society, Russian Bible Society and Berlin Bible Society were actively distributed by Molotschna supporters for decades. These were received with enthusiasm by an increasingly literate and intellectually curious community.

Distribution of tracts, the sale of New Testaments, Psalms, and full Bibles, and some evangelism to Catholics and Orthodox continued well into the 1880s by individuals outside the ministries of the institutional church and often with the support of local police officials. See Peter Penner’s brief report on his four years of ministry as a travelling “colporteur for the Lord” as well as the “memories of a Bible colporteur” (note 13).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Life of William Allen: With Selections from His Correspondence, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Longstreth, 1847), 149f., https://books.google.ca/books?id=bLUmXra1oWcC.

Note 2: Life of William Allen, vol. I, 401–403. James Urry first brought some of these materials to light in his 1987 essay, “‘Servants from far’: Mennonites and the pan-evangelical impulse in early nineteenth-century Russia,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 61, no. 2 (1987), 213–227. Cf. Memoirs of the Life and Gospel Labours of Stephen Grellet, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Longstreth, 1867), 389; 409; 441, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ErsRqec-8DYC.

Note 3: Life of William Allen, vol. I, 402.

Note 4: Ebeneezer Henderson, Biblical Researches and Travels in Russia (James Nisbet, 1826) 386, https://books.google.ca/books?id=8yFaAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA386#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 5: “No. 52: Johann Cornies to David Epp, Prussia. 10 March 1826,” in Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 1: 1812–1835, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 61f. On growth, see “No. 350, Johann Cornies to Daniel Schlatter, 11 March, 1833,” ibid., 317, https://books.ca/books?id=54Z6CwAAQBAJ&pg.

Note 6: Cf. reports in the Boston-based Baptist paper, Christian Watchman 19, no. 20 (May 18, 1838) 78; 26, no. 7 (Feb. 14, 1845) 1; Watchman and Reflector 69 no. 53 (Dec. 31, 1868) 1.

Note 7: Cf. letter from Molotschna elders and Tobias Voth to Prussian church leaders, in Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 135–141; esp. 137, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 8: Abraham Braun, “Kleine Chronik der Mennoniten an der Molotschna seit ihrer Ansiedlung bis in mein 80. Jahr,” Mennonitisches Jahrbuch 1907, no. 5 (1908) 66–79; 70f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/kb/mj1907.pdf. English translation: https://www.mharchives.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Braun-Abraham-A-Brief-History-of-the-Mennonites-in-the-Molotschna-Edited.pdf. Franz Isaac, Molotschnaer Mennoniten: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte derselben(Halbstadt, Taurien: H. J. Braun, 1908), 93–95, https://archive.org/details/die-molotschnaer-mennoniten-editablea. English translation: https://www.mharchives.ca/download/3573/.

Note 9: “No. 347, Phillip Wiebe to [David] Epp, Khortitsa, 1 September 1840,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 2: 1836–1842, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 282f., https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/100164/1/Southern_Ukrainian_Steppe_UTP_9781487538743.pdf.

Note 10: “No. 516, Johann Wiebe (Neuteich, Prussia) to Johann Cornies, 23 December 1841,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe, vol. 2, 423.

Note 11: “Mennonites in Russia,” Christian Watchman 24, no. 27 (July 7, 1843), 1.

Note 12: “Mennonites in Russia,” Christian Watchman 24, no. 27 (July 7, 1843), 1.

Note 13: Mennonitische Rundschau 8, no. 6 (February 9, 1887), 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/lfrs99.pdf; Johann Bartsch’s extensive report, “Erinnerungen eines Bibelkolporteurs,” Mennonitische Rundschau 26 (June 17, 1903), 1–2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/ekl427.pdf; (November 18, 1903), 2–3, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/ekl428.pdf.

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Mennonite Love Affair with the Bible Society," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 19, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/mennonite-love-affair-with-bible-society.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948. The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” ( note 1 ). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God. In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth ...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

School Reports, 1890s

Mennonite memoirs typically paint a golden picture of schools in the so-called “golden era” of Mennonite life in Russia. The official “Reports on Molotschna Schools: 1895/96 and 1897/98,” however, give us a more lackluster and realistic picture ( note 1 ). What do we learn from these reports? Many schools had minor infractions—the furniture did not correspond to requirements, there were insufficient book cabinets, or the desks and benches were too old and in need of repair. The Mennonite schoolhouses in Halbstadt and Rudnerweide—once recognized as leading and exceptional—together with schools in Friedensruh, Fürstenwerder, Franzthal, and Blumstein were deemed to be “in an unsatisfactory state.” In other cases a new roof and new steps were needed, or the rooms too were too small, too dark, too cramped, or with moist walls. More seriously in some villages—Waldheim, Schönsee, Fabrikerwiese, and even Gnadenfeld, well-known for its educational past—inspectors recorded that pupils “do not ...