Skip to main content

Mennonite Love Affair with the Bible Society

Two evangelical Quaker missionaries and Bible distributors, Stephen Grellet and William Allen, visited the Mennonite colonies in 1819. They were invited to Russia by their “friend” Tsar Alexander I four years earlier (note 1). The missionaries were advocates of prison reform, good hospitals and schools—including for girls—religious lessons and the broad distribution of Bibles. Their purpose was to teach, to “strengthen,” “comfort” and “give much counsel to Mennonite elders and ministers,” and to distribute Christian reading materials” (note 2). The Quakers found kindred spirits. Allen wrote his daughter that “the whole subject of these [Mennonite] colonies is so interesting, that I hardly know how to keep my letter in moderate compass” (note 3).

Two years later the Molotschna was visited by a delegation from the non-denominational British and Foreign Bible Society and the Russian Bible Society—the latter headed by the Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs and Education in the government of Tsar Alexander I. The British agent, Reverend Ebeneezer Henderson, placed before Molotschna elders and its “leading men”—undoubtedly Johann Cornies is meant here—a “higher” vision for Mennonite existence and mission in New Russia. Henderson wrote in 1826:

“Placed in the centre of an extensive territory, where they are surrounded by Russians of various sects, Germans, Greeks, Bulgarians, Tatars, and Jews, we could not but regard them as destined by Divine Providence to shine as lights in a dark place, and took an opportunity of pointing out to their Elders, and other leading men, their obligations to use their endeavours to enlighten all around them, by promoting, to the utmost of their power, the circulation of the Holy Scriptures among them, in their different languages. Our proposal, that they should establish a Moloshnaia Bible Society, they cheerfully acceded to, and have since carried it into effect. … As they live on habits of friendship and intimacy with their Tatar neighbours, and one of their principal men [Cornies] speaks the Tatar with fluency, we furnished him with a good supply of New Testaments, and other portions of Scripture, in that language, that they might commence their operations without delay." (Note 4)

The vision resonated with Johann Cornies and some elders. Soon the Molotschna branch of the Bible Society was the largest outside of St. Petersburg. But it would not prove easy to keep up this level of enthusiasm. In March of the same year Cornies wrote to his friend David Epp in Prussia:

“Our Bible Society’s account in St. Petersburg is more than 6,000 rubles. The sale of books of holy scripture has not yet declined, which means that the Bibles are being read. Last year, sales brought in 672 rubles, 25 kopeks. Sixty-three members paid 227 rubles, 78 kopeks, and donated 29 rubles, 30 kopeks. [But] our membership is declining. … Our interest is immediately awakened, but then falls off.” (Note 5)

For decades Mennonites in Russia were seen by Bible, missionary and tract societies in Berlin, London, Basel and the United States as strategically placed to support missionary activity deep into central Asia and even China (note 6).

Some ministers however thought that these innovations were destructive to the fabric of Mennonite faith and life. Old Flemish Minister Jacob Warkentin (Molotschna) appealed to the Prussian mother church and requested to have their own elder. His fear was that Elder Bernhard Fast’s support for a Molotschna branch of the Russian Bible Society would link them to other religious groups and could “make us subject to military service”; they thought the “military-like” offices of president, secretary, etc. displayed pride rather than piety (note 7). “The problem, as one contemporary recalled, was that “most Mennonites had no idea what missions or a missionary was” (note 8).

But interest in scripture distribution grew. Orders from the Chortitza Mennonite church were also placed through Cornies’ office. Assistant Phillip Wiebe wrote minister David Epp (Chortitza) in September 1840:

“ … You will receive the accompanying crate marked D.E. containing seven Bibles for seven silver rubles, seventy kopeks, and nine Bibles for nine silver rubles, for a total of fifty-eight rubles, forty-five kopeks, plus ten New Testaments for twenty rubles and eighteen Bible stories at 105 kopeks for eighteen rubles, ninety kopeks. ... It was not possible to meet your wishes completely with respect to the Bibles, since the supply in the local depot was not sufficient, as is the case with New Testaments for one ruble eighty, of which there are only three or four left. They are preferred here as they are there. Mr. Cornies also requests that you kindly take the eighteen copies of Bible stories on consignment. Please notify my employer, who is cashier and depot director, about the receipt of the crate.” (Note 9)

Prussian Mennonites were also invited “to take collections in support of the dissemination of the Word of God among Evangelicals [Protestants] in the Russian Empire;” these were sent directly to Cornies (note 10).

In 1843 one visitor from the London Bible Society was very much impressed with the spiritual leadership especially in the Molotschna Colony—spearheaded by a few church leaders and Cornies.

“There are a few [who are] zealous for the glory of God; who maintain spiritual worship, both in public and private. … They have one very able man among them, by whose labors, partly, this pleasing state of things has been brought about.” (Note 11)

“Among these good friends, I found the preachers most willing to forward the work of Scripture distribution; and I was happy to be able to give them a supply, of which they were greatly in want. May the Lord bless the labors of these good men, for the benefit of all the surrounding colonies.” (Note 12)

Cheap Bibles and free German religious tracts provided through the British and Foreign Bible Society, Russian Bible Society and Berlin Bible Society were actively distributed by Molotschna supporters for decades. These were received with enthusiasm by an increasingly literate and intellectually curious community.

Distribution of tracts, the sale of New Testaments, Psalms, and full Bibles, and some evangelism to Catholics and Orthodox continued well into the 1880s by individuals outside the ministries of the institutional church and often with the support of local police officials. See Peter Penner’s brief report on his four years of ministry as a travelling “colporteur for the Lord” as well as the “memories of a Bible colporteur” (note 13).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Life of William Allen: With Selections from His Correspondence, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Longstreth, 1847), 149f., https://books.google.ca/books?id=bLUmXra1oWcC.

Note 2: Life of William Allen, vol. I, 401–403. James Urry first brought some of these materials to light in his 1987 essay, “‘Servants from far’: Mennonites and the pan-evangelical impulse in early nineteenth-century Russia,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 61, no. 2 (1987), 213–227. Cf. Memoirs of the Life and Gospel Labours of Stephen Grellet, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Longstreth, 1867), 389; 409; 441, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ErsRqec-8DYC.

Note 3: Life of William Allen, vol. I, 402.

Note 4: Ebeneezer Henderson, Biblical Researches and Travels in Russia (James Nisbet, 1826) 386, https://books.google.ca/books?id=8yFaAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA386#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 5: “No. 52: Johann Cornies to David Epp, Prussia. 10 March 1826,” in Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 1: 1812–1835, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 61f. On growth, see “No. 350, Johann Cornies to Daniel Schlatter, 11 March, 1833,” ibid., 317, https://books.ca/books?id=54Z6CwAAQBAJ&pg.

Note 6: Cf. reports in the Boston-based Baptist paper, Christian Watchman 19, no. 20 (May 18, 1838) 78; 26, no. 7 (Feb. 14, 1845) 1; Watchman and Reflector 69 no. 53 (Dec. 31, 1868) 1.

Note 7: Cf. letter from Molotschna elders and Tobias Voth to Prussian church leaders, in Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 135–141; esp. 137, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 8: Abraham Braun, “Kleine Chronik der Mennoniten an der Molotschna seit ihrer Ansiedlung bis in mein 80. Jahr,” Mennonitisches Jahrbuch 1907, no. 5 (1908) 66–79; 70f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/kb/mj1907.pdf. English translation: https://www.mharchives.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Braun-Abraham-A-Brief-History-of-the-Mennonites-in-the-Molotschna-Edited.pdf. Franz Isaac, Molotschnaer Mennoniten: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte derselben(Halbstadt, Taurien: H. J. Braun, 1908), 93–95, https://archive.org/details/die-molotschnaer-mennoniten-editablea. English translation: https://www.mharchives.ca/download/3573/.

Note 9: “No. 347, Phillip Wiebe to [David] Epp, Khortitsa, 1 September 1840,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 2: 1836–1842, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 282f., https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/100164/1/Southern_Ukrainian_Steppe_UTP_9781487538743.pdf.

Note 10: “No. 516, Johann Wiebe (Neuteich, Prussia) to Johann Cornies, 23 December 1841,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe, vol. 2, 423.

Note 11: “Mennonites in Russia,” Christian Watchman 24, no. 27 (July 7, 1843), 1.

Note 12: “Mennonites in Russia,” Christian Watchman 24, no. 27 (July 7, 1843), 1.

Note 13: Mennonitische Rundschau 8, no. 6 (February 9, 1887), 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/lfrs99.pdf; Johann Bartsch’s extensive report, “Erinnerungen eines Bibelkolporteurs,” Mennonitische Rundschau 26 (June 17, 1903), 1–2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/ekl427.pdf; (November 18, 1903), 2–3, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/ekl428.pdf.

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Mennonite Love Affair with the Bible Society," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 19, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/mennonite-love-affair-with-bible-society.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the

“Operation Chortitza” – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44 (Part I)

In October 1943, some 3,900 Mennonite resettlers from “Operation Chortitza” entered the Gau of Danzig-West Prussia. They were transported by train via Litzmannstadt and brought to temporary camps in Neustadt (Danzig), Preußisch Stargard (Konradstein), Konitz, Kulm on the Vistula, Thorn and some smaller localities ( note 1 ). The Gau received over 11,000 resettlers from the German-occupied east zones in 1943. Before October some 3,000 were transferred from these temporary camps for permanent resettlement in order to make room for "Operation Chortitza" ( note 2 ). By January 1, 1944 there were 5,473 resettlers in the Danzig-West Prussian camps (majority Mennonite); one month later that number had almost doubled ( note 3 ). "Operation Chortitza" as it was dubbed was part of a much larger movement “welcoming” hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans “back home” after generations in the east. Hitler’s larger plan was to reorganize peoples in Europe by race, to separate

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown,

"Anti-Menno" Communist: David J. Penner (1904-1993)

The most outspoken early “Mennonite communist”—or better, “Anti-Menno” communist—was David Johann Penner, b. 1904. Penner was the son of a Chortitza teacher and had grown up Mennonite Brethren in Millerovo, with five religious services per week ( note 1 )! In 1930 with Stalin firmly in power, Penner pseudonymously penned the booklet entitled Anti-Menno ( note 2 ). While his attack was bitter, his criticisms offer a well-informed, plausible window on Mennonite life—albeit biased and with no intention for reform. He is a ethnic Mennonite writing to other Mennonites. Penner offers multiple examples of how the Mennonite clergy in particular—but also deacons, choir conductors, Sunday School teachers, leaders of youth or women’s circles—aligned themselves with the exploitative interests of industry and wealth. Extreme prosperity for Mennonite industrialists and large landowners was achieved with low wages and the poverty of their Russian /Ukrainian workers, according to Penner. Though t

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and

Mennonite Heritage Week in Canada and the Russländer Centenary (2023)

In 2019, the Canadian Parliament declared the second week in September as “Mennonite Heritage Week.” The bill and statements of support recognized the contributions of Mennonites to Canadian society ( note 1 ). 2019 also marked the centenary of a Canadian Order in Council which, at their time of greatest need, classified Mennonites as an “undesirable” immigrant group: “… because, owing to their peculiar customs, habits, modes of living and methods of holding property, they are not likely to become readily assimilated or to assume the duties and responsibilities of Canadian citizenship within a reasonable time.” ( Pic ) With a change of government, this order was rescinded in 1922 and the doors opened for some 23,000 Mennonites to immigrate from the Soviet Union to Canada. The attached archival image of the Order in Council hangs on the office wall of Canadian Senator Peter Harder—a Russländer descendant. 2023 marks the centennial of the arrival of the first Russländer immigrant groups

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an influen

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

Blessed are the Shoe-Makers: Brief History of Lost Soles

A collection of simple artefacts like shoes can open windows onto the life and story of a people. Below are a few observations about shoes and boots, or the lack thereof, and their connection to the social and cultural history of Russian Mennonites. Curiously Mennonites arrived in New Russia shoe poor in 1789, and were evacuated as shoe poor in 1943 as when their ancestors arrived--and there are many stories in between. The poverty of the first Flemish elder in Chortitza Bernhard Penner was so great that he had only his home-made Bastelschuhe in which to serve the Lord’s Supper. “[Consequently] four of the participating brethren banded together to buy him a pair of boots which one of the [Land] delegates, Bartsch, made for him. The poor community desired with all its heart to partake of the holy sacrament, but when they remembered the solemnity of these occasions in their former homeland, where they dressed in their Sunday best, there was loud sobbing.” ( Note 1 ) In the 1802 C