Skip to main content

Mennonite Love Affair with the Bible Society

Two evangelical Quaker missionaries and Bible distributors, Stephen Grellet and William Allen, visited the Mennonite colonies in 1819. They were invited to Russia by their “friend” Tsar Alexander I four years earlier (note 1). The missionaries were advocates of prison reform, good hospitals and schools—including for girls—religious lessons and the broad distribution of Bibles. Their purpose was to teach, to “strengthen,” “comfort” and “give much counsel to Mennonite elders and ministers,” and to distribute Christian reading materials” (note 2). The Quakers found kindred spirits. Allen wrote his daughter that “the whole subject of these [Mennonite] colonies is so interesting, that I hardly know how to keep my letter in moderate compass” (note 3).

Two years later the Molotschna was visited by a delegation from the non-denominational British and Foreign Bible Society and the Russian Bible Society—the latter headed by the Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs and Education in the government of Tsar Alexander I. The British agent, Reverend Ebeneezer Henderson, placed before Molotschna elders and its “leading men”—undoubtedly Johann Cornies is meant here—a “higher” vision for Mennonite existence and mission in New Russia. Henderson wrote in 1826:

“Placed in the centre of an extensive territory, where they are surrounded by Russians of various sects, Germans, Greeks, Bulgarians, Tatars, and Jews, we could not but regard them as destined by Divine Providence to shine as lights in a dark place, and took an opportunity of pointing out to their Elders, and other leading men, their obligations to use their endeavours to enlighten all around them, by promoting, to the utmost of their power, the circulation of the Holy Scriptures among them, in their different languages. Our proposal, that they should establish a Moloshnaia Bible Society, they cheerfully acceded to, and have since carried it into effect. … As they live on habits of friendship and intimacy with their Tatar neighbours, and one of their principal men [Cornies] speaks the Tatar with fluency, we furnished him with a good supply of New Testaments, and other portions of Scripture, in that language, that they might commence their operations without delay." (Note 4)

The vision resonated with Johann Cornies and some elders. Soon the Molotschna branch of the Bible Society was the largest outside of St. Petersburg. But it would not prove easy to keep up this level of enthusiasm. In March of the same year Cornies wrote to his friend David Epp in Prussia:

“Our Bible Society’s account in St. Petersburg is more than 6,000 rubles. The sale of books of holy scripture has not yet declined, which means that the Bibles are being read. Last year, sales brought in 672 rubles, 25 kopeks. Sixty-three members paid 227 rubles, 78 kopeks, and donated 29 rubles, 30 kopeks. [But] our membership is declining. … Our interest is immediately awakened, but then falls off.” (Note 5)

For decades Mennonites in Russia were seen by Bible, missionary and tract societies in Berlin, London, Basel and the United States as strategically placed to support missionary activity deep into central Asia and even China (note 6).

Some ministers however thought that these innovations were destructive to the fabric of Mennonite faith and life. Old Flemish Minister Jacob Warkentin (Molotschna) appealed to the Prussian mother church and requested to have their own elder. His fear was that Elder Bernhard Fast’s support for a Molotschna branch of the Russian Bible Society would link them to other religious groups and could “make us subject to military service”; they thought the “military-like” offices of president, secretary, etc. displayed pride rather than piety (note 7). “The problem, as one contemporary recalled, was that “most Mennonites had no idea what missions or a missionary was” (note 8).

But interest in scripture distribution grew. Orders from the Chortitza Mennonite church were also placed through Cornies’ office. Assistant Phillip Wiebe wrote minister David Epp (Chortitza) in September 1840:

“ … You will receive the accompanying crate marked D.E. containing seven Bibles for seven silver rubles, seventy kopeks, and nine Bibles for nine silver rubles, for a total of fifty-eight rubles, forty-five kopeks, plus ten New Testaments for twenty rubles and eighteen Bible stories at 105 kopeks for eighteen rubles, ninety kopeks. ... It was not possible to meet your wishes completely with respect to the Bibles, since the supply in the local depot was not sufficient, as is the case with New Testaments for one ruble eighty, of which there are only three or four left. They are preferred here as they are there. Mr. Cornies also requests that you kindly take the eighteen copies of Bible stories on consignment. Please notify my employer, who is cashier and depot director, about the receipt of the crate.” (Note 9)

Prussian Mennonites were also invited “to take collections in support of the dissemination of the Word of God among Evangelicals [Protestants] in the Russian Empire;” these were sent directly to Cornies (note 10).

In 1843 one visitor from the London Bible Society was very much impressed with the spiritual leadership especially in the Molotschna Colony—spearheaded by a few church leaders and Cornies.

“There are a few [who are] zealous for the glory of God; who maintain spiritual worship, both in public and private. … They have one very able man among them, by whose labors, partly, this pleasing state of things has been brought about.” (Note 11)

“Among these good friends, I found the preachers most willing to forward the work of Scripture distribution; and I was happy to be able to give them a supply, of which they were greatly in want. May the Lord bless the labors of these good men, for the benefit of all the surrounding colonies.” (Note 12)

Cheap Bibles and free German religious tracts provided through the British and Foreign Bible Society, Russian Bible Society and Berlin Bible Society were actively distributed by Molotschna supporters for decades. These were received with enthusiasm by an increasingly literate and intellectually curious community.

Distribution of tracts, the sale of New Testaments, Psalms, and full Bibles, and some evangelism to Catholics and Orthodox continued well into the 1880s by individuals outside the ministries of the institutional church and often with the support of local police officials. See Peter Penner’s brief report on his four years of ministry as a travelling “colporteur for the Lord” as well as the “memories of a Bible colporteur” (note 13).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Life of William Allen: With Selections from His Correspondence, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Longstreth, 1847), 149f., https://books.google.ca/books?id=bLUmXra1oWcC.

Note 2: Life of William Allen, vol. I, 401–403. James Urry first brought some of these materials to light in his 1987 essay, “‘Servants from far’: Mennonites and the pan-evangelical impulse in early nineteenth-century Russia,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 61, no. 2 (1987), 213–227. Cf. Memoirs of the Life and Gospel Labours of Stephen Grellet, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Longstreth, 1867), 389; 409; 441, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ErsRqec-8DYC.

Note 3: Life of William Allen, vol. I, 402.

Note 4: Ebeneezer Henderson, Biblical Researches and Travels in Russia (James Nisbet, 1826) 386, https://books.google.ca/books?id=8yFaAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA386#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 5: “No. 52: Johann Cornies to David Epp, Prussia. 10 March 1826,” in Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 1: 1812–1835, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 61f. On growth, see “No. 350, Johann Cornies to Daniel Schlatter, 11 March, 1833,” ibid., 317, https://books.ca/books?id=54Z6CwAAQBAJ&pg.

Note 6: Cf. reports in the Boston-based Baptist paper, Christian Watchman 19, no. 20 (May 18, 1838) 78; 26, no. 7 (Feb. 14, 1845) 1; Watchman and Reflector 69 no. 53 (Dec. 31, 1868) 1.

Note 7: Cf. letter from Molotschna elders and Tobias Voth to Prussian church leaders, in Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 135–141; esp. 137, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 8: Abraham Braun, “Kleine Chronik der Mennoniten an der Molotschna seit ihrer Ansiedlung bis in mein 80. Jahr,” Mennonitisches Jahrbuch 1907, no. 5 (1908) 66–79; 70f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/kb/mj1907.pdf. English translation: https://www.mharchives.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Braun-Abraham-A-Brief-History-of-the-Mennonites-in-the-Molotschna-Edited.pdf. Franz Isaac, Molotschnaer Mennoniten: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte derselben(Halbstadt, Taurien: H. J. Braun, 1908), 93–95, https://archive.org/details/die-molotschnaer-mennoniten-editablea. English translation: https://www.mharchives.ca/download/3573/.

Note 9: “No. 347, Phillip Wiebe to [David] Epp, Khortitsa, 1 September 1840,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 2: 1836–1842, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 282f., https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/100164/1/Southern_Ukrainian_Steppe_UTP_9781487538743.pdf.

Note 10: “No. 516, Johann Wiebe (Neuteich, Prussia) to Johann Cornies, 23 December 1841,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe, vol. 2, 423.

Note 11: “Mennonites in Russia,” Christian Watchman 24, no. 27 (July 7, 1843), 1.

Note 12: “Mennonites in Russia,” Christian Watchman 24, no. 27 (July 7, 1843), 1.

Note 13: Mennonitische Rundschau 8, no. 6 (February 9, 1887), 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/lfrs99.pdf; Johann Bartsch’s extensive report, “Erinnerungen eines Bibelkolporteurs,” Mennonitische Rundschau 26 (June 17, 1903), 1–2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/ekl427.pdf; (November 18, 1903), 2–3, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/ekl428.pdf.

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Mennonite Love Affair with the Bible Society," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 19, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/mennonite-love-affair-with-bible-society.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

Why study and write about Russian Mennonite history?

David G. Rempel’s credentials as an historian of the Russian Mennonite story are impeccable—he was a mentor to James Urry in the 1980s, for example, which says it all. In 1974 Rempel wrote an article on Mennonite historical work for an issue of the Mennonite Quarterly Review commemorating the arrival of Russian Mennonites to North America 100 years earlier ( note 1). In one section of the essay Rempel reflected on Mennonites’ general “lack of interest in their history,” and why they were so “exceedingly slow” in reflecting on their historic development in Russia with so little scholarly rigour. Rempel noted that he was not alone in this observation; some prominent Mennonites of his generation who had noted the same pointed an “extreme spirit of individualism” among Mennonites in Russia; the absence of Mennonite “authoritative voices,” both in and outside the church; the “relative indifference” of Mennonites to the past; “intellectual laziness” among many who do not wish to be distu...

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha...

Mennonite Literacy in Polish-Prussia

At a Mennonite wedding in Deutsch Kazun in 1833 (pic), neither groom nor bride nor the witnesses could sign the wedding register. A Görtz, a Janzen, a Schröder—born a Görtzen – illiterate. “This act was read to the married couple and witnesses, but not signed because they were unable to write.” Similarly, with the certification of a Mennonite death in Culm (Chelmo), West Prussia, 1813-14: “This document was read and it was signed by us because the witnesses were illiterate.” Spouse and children were unable to read or write. Names like Gerz, Plenert, Kliewer, Kasper, Buller and others. 14 families of the 25 Mennonite deaths registered --or 56%--could not sign the paperwork ( note 1 ; pic ). This appears to be an anomaly. We know some pioneers to Russia were well educated. The letters of the land-scout to Russia, Johann Bartsch to his wife back home (1786-87) are eloquent, beautifully written and indicate a high level of literacy ( note 2 ). Even Klaas Reimer (b. 1770), the founder t...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation. In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name ( note 1 ).  On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers ( Zahlen ) from the church hymnal” ( note 2 ). Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote: “Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flo...

"Between Monarchs" a lot can happen (like revolt). A Mennonite "Accession" Prayer for the Monarch

It is surprising for many to learn that Russian Mennonites sang the Russian national anthem "God save the Tsar" in special worship services ... frequently! We have a "Mennonite prayer" and sermon sample for the accession of the monarch ( Thronbesteigung ) or its anniversary, with closing prayer-- and another Mennonite sampler of a coronation ( Krönung ) prayer, sermon and closing prayer ( note 1 ). After 70 years with one monarch, the manual is made for a time like this--try sharing it with your Canadian Mennonite pastor ;) Technically there is no “between” monarchs: “The Queen is Dead. Long live the King!” But there is much that happens or can happen before the coronation of the new monarch. Including revolt. Mennonites in Molotschna had hosted Tsar Alexander I shortly before his death in 1825. Upon his death in December, Alexander's brother and heir Constantine declined succession, and prior to the coronation of the next brother Nicholas, some 3,000 rebel (mos...

Ukrainian Famine and Genocide (Holodomor), 1932-1933

In 2008 the Canadian Parliament passed an act declaring the fourth Saturday in November as “Ukrainian Famine and Genocide (‘Holodomor’) Memorial Day” ( note 1 ). Southern Ukraine was arguably the worst affected region of the famine of 1932–33, where 30,000 to 40,000 Mennonites lived ( note 2 ). The number of famine-related deaths in Ukraine during this period are conservatively estimated at 3.5 million ( note 3 ). In the early 1930s Stalin feared growing “Ukrainian nationalism” and the possibility of “losing Ukraine” ( note 4 ). He was also suspicious of ethnic Poles and Germans—like Mennonites—in Ukraine, convinced of the “existence of an organized counter-revolutionary insurgent underground” in support of Ukrainian national independence ( note 5 ). Ukraine was targeted with a “lengthy schooling” designed to ruthlessly break the threat of Ukrainian nationalism and resistance, and this included Ukraine’s Mennonites (viewed simply as “Germans”). Various causes combined to bring on w...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...