Skip to main content

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation.

In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name (note 1). 

On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers (Zahlen) from the church hymnal” (note 2).

Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote:

“Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flourishes and embellishments that the melody became completely unrecognizable, and it was impossible despite my good ear, to retain any one of these strange melodies in my memory.” (Note 3)

The apple does not fall far from the tree, apparently. The singing in the Chortitza Colony was especially unbearable and unholy to Heinrich Heese—a former Einlage (Chortitza) teacher and colony administrator and now Cornies’ lead educationalist in Molotschna: “There still seems to be no taste [in the Chortitza area] for singing in harmony. … O that our Lord Jesus would no longer be greeted with such distorted singing in our churches, from which even the angels turn away in offence!” (note 4).

Notably it was not the church, but the schools where a new form of religious singing based upon a system of musical notation was first introduced in Molotschna. This approach was initiated by “Prussian school teachers”—notably Heinrich Franz in the village of Gnadenfeld, a former student of Gnadenfeld’s Elder Friedrich Lange at Rodlofferhufen, Prussia.

Heinrich Heese sought to instill in his students in Ohrloff his own dream for quality singing in the colonies, connecting aesthetics with piety and ethics. He recalled that:

“[… in Prussia] Mennonites would sing so sublimely that all hearts would soften to the blessed joy in Christ and even the angels in heaven would join in ... The songbooks of the time had notes above each song; it was only later, when the notes were omitted in the newer revised hymnals, that the singing in our churches deteriorated into the present-day disharmony. To the extent to which the harmonious singing in our churches was lost, to the same extent our fathers lost their holy way of life in true love to God and his holy Word.” (Note 5)

There was some support for new music styles in Rudnerweide too, for example, where Jacob Bräul was teacher (also previously in Einlage). P. M. Friesen reported on Bräul’s ability to teach Russian as well as the fact that he was “famous for his teaching of arithmetic, singing, and penmanship” (note 6). In 1840 Rudnerweide Elder Benjamin Ratzlaff wrote to his Chortitza counterpart Jacob Hildebrandt about a proposed hymnal not yet in print (note 7). In 1844, a new edition of the Prussian hymnal was published in Odessa for Russian Mennonite congregations—the same hymn texts, but in many cases new suggested melodies, though without notation; 15,400 copies were published in three editions by 1859, and soon every household had a hymnal—together with a Bible, and a few instructional and devotional books (note 8).

As early as 1837 copies of Heinrich Franz’s growing collection of music also started to circulate, and in 1860 the Choralbuch was published in its first edition of 5,000 copies. Franz introduced four-part harmony instruction in his school and beyond “for the beauty, purity and correctness” as well as “uniformity” of singing across congregations (note 9).

Besides offering 163 melodies for songs in the hymnal, the Choralbuch also introduced another 112 songs for church, school and home. For Franz, singing participates in God’s own work of “training for the kingdom of heaven” (note 10); four decades later P. M. Friesen could write that Franz’s “Chorale-book in ciphers has transformed the spiritual singing of Russian Mennonites (…) and even dominates it today” (note 11).

Not surprisingly the change in music proved to be a source of great distress for others (note 12). If traditional Mennonite singing could be described in 1822 as “exceedingly harsh and loud, forced from the throat” (note 13), traditionalists now compared part-singing in harmony “to a pub-song” style (note 14). Others thought that it “was military in character,” and found it to be so “repugnant” that they “could not attend such meetings”; some even saw in it “a great evil” and an “innovation as contrary to the Christian faith” (note 15).

Yet by 1890—after many conservatives had left for North America—most churches especially in the secessionist Mennonite Brethren congregations “had a choir that sang on Sunday morning” (note 16). The love of good hymn-singing that developed among Russian Mennonites would later give great joy in faith, and sustain many in the darkest chapters still to come—wholly consistent with the long tradition of writing and singing hymns that is reflected even in their martyr stories (note 17).

---Notes---

Note 1: In David Epp, Johann Cornies: Züge aus seinem Leben und Wirken [1909], Historische Schriftenreihe, Buch 3 (Rosthern, SK: Echo, 1946), 62, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/?file=1dok15.pdf. For further and detailed research on this topic, see especially the references below to the writings of Peter Letkemann and Wesley Berg.

Note 2: In Epp, Johann Cornies, 75.

Note 3: Cf. Augustin Engelbrecht, Aufsätze pädagogischen Inhalts. Ein Buch für Seelsorger und Volksschullehrer zur angenehmen und belehrenden Unterhaltung (Landshut: Krüll, 1821), 237, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ZTlNAAAAcAAJ&lpg. On Cornies' use of Engelbrecht, cf. James Urry, “The Source of Johann Cornies’ ‘Rules’ on Schools and Education,” Mennonite Historian 45, no. 4 (December 2019), 10–11, http://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/45.4.MHDec19.pdf; and Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Cornies and Engelbrecht on Schools and Rules,” Mennonite Historian 46 no. 2 (June 2020), 9–10, http://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/46.2.MHJun20.pdf.

Note 4: Jacob A. Klassen, cited in Wesley Berg, “The Development of Choral Singing Among the Mennonites of Russia to 1895,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 55, no. 2 (April 1981), 133. See also Berg, “Music among the Mennonites of Russia,” in Mennonites in Russia, edited by John Friesen, 203–219 (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1989).

Note 5: Heinrich Heese, “Brief History of our Mennonite Brethren,” excerpted in Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 113, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 6: Heese in Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 111. Cf. Wesley Berg, “Hymns of the Old Colony Mennonites and the Old Way of Singing,” The Musical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (1996), 77–117.

Note 7: Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 781.

Note 8: John B. Toews, Perilous Journey. The Mennonite Brethren in Russia 1860–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 1988), 21, https://archive.org/details/PerilousJourneyBookocr. Cf. also “Vorwort zur dritten Auflage,” Gesang-Buch in welchem eine Sammlung geistreicher Lieder befindlich, 3rd edition in Russia (Odessa: Franzow, 1859), https://books.google.ca/books?id=MtwTAAAAYAAJ&lpg.

Note 9: August von Haxthausen, Studien über die innern Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländlichen Einrichtungen Rußlands, part II (Hannover: Hahn, 1847), 189n., https://archive.org/details/studienberdiein03kosegoog/.

Note 10: Heinrich Franz (1880), “Vorwort,” Choralbuch zunächst zum Gebrauch in den mennonitischen Schulen Südrusslands, 2nd edition (Leipzig, 1880), https://hdl.handle.net/2027/nc01.ark:/13960/t50g5wb1m. Abram Kröker (Pfarrer Eduard Wüst. Der große Erweckungsprediger in den deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands [Spat, Crimea: Self-published, ca. 1903], 64f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Pis/Kroeker.pdf) contends, however, that Eduard Wüst—or more specifically his wife—introduced Russian Mennonites to four-part harmony and mixed choirs; Jakob Prinz, Die Kolonien der Brüdergemeinde. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands (Pjatigorsk, 1898), 90, http://digital.slub-dresden.de/id369529960.

Note 11: Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 712.

Note 12: Cf. James Urry, “None but Saints”: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia, 1789–1889 (Winnipeg, MB: Hyperion, 1989), 216; John B. Toews, “Harmony amid Disharmony: A Diary Portrait of Mennonite Singing in Russian during the 1860s,” Mennonite Life 40, no. 4 (1985) 4–7, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1985dec.pdf; idem, Perilous Journey, 70f.

Note 13: Daniel Schlatter, Bruchstücke aus einigen Reisen nach dem südlichen Rußland in den Jahren 1822 bis 1828 (St. Gallen: Huber, 1830), 364, https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb11008440_00005.html.

Note 14: "Brandweingesang"; cf. full quotation in Peter Letkemann, “Der Streit um den Zifferngesang und der Gesangunterricht in den mennonitischen Schulen Russlands, 1845-1870,” Rückblick: Glaube und Gemeinde im Spiegel der Geschichte, no. 1 (July 2011), 14, https://neu.chortitza.org/2022/02/zeitschrift-rueckblick-2011-01/.

Note 15: Toews, “Harmony and Disharmony,” 5–6.

Note 16: Berg, “Development of Choral Singing,” 134f.

Note 17: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/when-singing-becomes-urgent-survival.html.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), June 13, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/06/four-part-singing-in-mennonite-schools.html

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

“We have no poor among us”: From "Blue Bag" to e-Transfer

Through not unique or original to Menno Simons, the idea of watching and caring for fellow travellers on the journey of faith “where no one is allowed to beg” ( note 1 ) was a pillar of his teaching, and forms one of the most consistent threads in the Anabaptist–Mennonite story. In the decades before Mennonites settled in Russia they used the “Blue-Bag” to collect for the poor in Prussia. In 1723 Abraham Hartwich—an otherwise unsympathetic observer of Mennonites—noted that Mennonites in Prussia “do not allow their co-religionists to suffer want, but rather help them in their poverty from the so-called blue-bag, their fund for the poor” ( note 2 ). It is unclear when the “blue-bag tradition” changed? Similarly, in the early 1800s, two Lutheran observers—Georg Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck—noted that the Mennonite care for their poor through annual free-will contributions was “exemplary” ( note 3 ). Moreover Reiswitz and Wadzeck describe a community stubbornly committed to each ot...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...

"In the Case of Extreme Danger" - Menno Pass and Refugee crisis, 1945-46

"In the Case of Extreme Danger 1. We are Russian-Mennonite refugees who are returning to Holland, the place of origin. The language is Low German. 2. The Dutch Mennonites there, Doopsgezinde , will take in all fellow-believing Mennonites from Russia who are in danger of compulsory repatriation. 3. The first stage of the journey is to Gronau in Westphalia. 4. As a precaution, purchase a ticket to an intermediate stop first. The last connecting station is Rheine. 5. Opposite Gronau is the Dutch city of Enschede, where you will cross the border. 6. On the border ask for Peter Dyck (Piter Daik), Mennonite Central Committee, Amsterdam, Singel 452. Peter Dyck (or his people) will distribute the relevant papers—“Menno Passes”--and provide further information. 7. Any other border points may also be crossed, with the necessary explanations (who, where to, Mennonites from Russia, Peter Dyck, M.C.C., etc.). The Dutch border Patrol is informed. 8. Here the whole matter must be h...

"Motherhood of the People": Halbstadt Midwife Helene Berg and the SS

Recently Benjamin Goossen posted an important piece on the “well-known” Halbstadt midwife Helene Berg. Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler had taken a special interest in “old Mrs. Berg” and had publicly recognized her for helping birth some 8,000 Volksdeutsche (ethnic German) babies ( note 1 ). Goossen and I have shared archival materials in the past years. Below I would like to continue the exploration of Taunte Bojsche (or "Aunt Berg") and the surprisingly broad interest in her by Nazi officials as icon. I begin with a family story as a window onto the times. Some 35,000 Mennonites were evacuated out of German-occupied Ukraine in Fall 1943. After a grueling trek west the survivors landed in German-annexed Wartheland (previously Poland) where they were naturalized as German citizens. My grandmother Helene Bräul had eight children, and Helene Berg may very well have been her midwife for one or more of them. Like many Mennonite mothers in Wartheland, my grandmother was ...