Skip to main content

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation.

In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name (note 1). 

On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers (Zahlen) from the church hymnal” (note 2).

Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote:

“Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flourishes and embellishments that the melody became completely unrecognizable, and it was impossible despite my good ear, to retain any one of these strange melodies in my memory.” (Note 3)

The apple does not fall far from the tree, apparently. The singing in the Chortitza Colony was especially unbearable and unholy to Heinrich Heese—a former Einlage (Chortitza) teacher and colony administrator and now Cornies’ lead educationalist in Molotschna: “There still seems to be no taste [in the Chortitza area] for singing in harmony. … O that our Lord Jesus would no longer be greeted with such distorted singing in our churches, from which even the angels turn away in offence!” (note 4).

Notably it was not the church, but the schools where a new form of religious singing based upon a system of musical notation was first introduced in Molotschna. This approach was initiated by “Prussian school teachers”—notably Heinrich Franz in the village of Gnadenfeld, a former student of Gnadenfeld’s Elder Friedrich Lange at Rodlofferhufen, Prussia.

Heinrich Heese sought to instill in his students in Ohrloff his own dream for quality singing in the colonies, connecting aesthetics with piety and ethics. He recalled that:

“[… in Prussia] Mennonites would sing so sublimely that all hearts would soften to the blessed joy in Christ and even the angels in heaven would join in ... The songbooks of the time had notes above each song; it was only later, when the notes were omitted in the newer revised hymnals, that the singing in our churches deteriorated into the present-day disharmony. To the extent to which the harmonious singing in our churches was lost, to the same extent our fathers lost their holy way of life in true love to God and his holy Word.” (Note 5)

There was some support for new music styles in Rudnerweide too, for example, where Jacob Bräul was teacher (also previously in Einlage). P. M. Friesen reported on Bräul’s ability to teach Russian as well as the fact that he was “famous for his teaching of arithmetic, singing, and penmanship” (note 6). In 1840 Rudnerweide Elder Benjamin Ratzlaff wrote to his Chortitza counterpart Jacob Hildebrandt about a proposed hymnal not yet in print (note 7). In 1844, a new edition of the Prussian hymnal was published in Odessa for Russian Mennonite congregations—the same hymn texts, but in many cases new suggested melodies, though without notation; 15,400 copies were published in three editions by 1859, and soon every household had a hymnal—together with a Bible, and a few instructional and devotional books (note 8).

As early as 1837 copies of Heinrich Franz’s growing collection of music also started to circulate, and in 1860 the Choralbuch was published in its first edition of 5,000 copies. Franz introduced four-part harmony instruction in his school and beyond “for the beauty, purity and correctness” as well as “uniformity” of singing across congregations (note 9).

Besides offering 163 melodies for songs in the hymnal, the Choralbuch also introduced another 112 songs for church, school and home. For Franz, singing participates in God’s own work of “training for the kingdom of heaven” (note 10); four decades later P. M. Friesen could write that Franz’s “Chorale-book in ciphers has transformed the spiritual singing of Russian Mennonites (…) and even dominates it today” (note 11).

Not surprisingly the change in music proved to be a source of great distress for others (note 12). If traditional Mennonite singing could be described in 1822 as “exceedingly harsh and loud, forced from the throat” (note 13), traditionalists now compared part-singing in harmony “to a pub-song” style (note 14). Others thought that it “was military in character,” and found it to be so “repugnant” that they “could not attend such meetings”; some even saw in it “a great evil” and an “innovation as contrary to the Christian faith” (note 15).

Yet by 1890—after many conservatives had left for North America—most churches especially in the secessionist Mennonite Brethren congregations “had a choir that sang on Sunday morning” (note 16). The love of good hymn-singing that developed among Russian Mennonites would later give great joy in faith, and sustain many in the darkest chapters still to come—wholly consistent with the long tradition of writing and singing hymns that is reflected even in their martyr stories (note 17).

---Notes---

Note 1: In David Epp, Johann Cornies: Züge aus seinem Leben und Wirken [1909], Historische Schriftenreihe, Buch 3 (Rosthern, SK: Echo, 1946), 62, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/?file=1dok15.pdf. For further and detailed research on this topic, see especially the references below to the writings of Peter Letkemann and Wesley Berg.

Note 2: In Epp, Johann Cornies, 75.

Note 3: Cf. Augustin Engelbrecht, Aufsätze pädagogischen Inhalts. Ein Buch für Seelsorger und Volksschullehrer zur angenehmen und belehrenden Unterhaltung (Landshut: Krüll, 1821), 237, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ZTlNAAAAcAAJ&lpg. On Cornies' use of Engelbrecht, cf. James Urry, “The Source of Johann Cornies’ ‘Rules’ on Schools and Education,” Mennonite Historian 45, no. 4 (December 2019), 10–11, http://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/45.4.MHDec19.pdf; and Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Cornies and Engelbrecht on Schools and Rules,” Mennonite Historian 46 no. 2 (June 2020), 9–10, http://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/46.2.MHJun20.pdf.

Note 4: Jacob A. Klassen, cited in Wesley Berg, “The Development of Choral Singing Among the Mennonites of Russia to 1895,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 55, no. 2 (April 1981), 133. See also Berg, “Music among the Mennonites of Russia,” in Mennonites in Russia, edited by John Friesen, 203–219 (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1989).

Note 5: Heinrich Heese, “Brief History of our Mennonite Brethren,” excerpted in Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 113, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 6: Heese in Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 111. Cf. Wesley Berg, “Hymns of the Old Colony Mennonites and the Old Way of Singing,” The Musical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (1996), 77–117.

Note 7: Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 781.

Note 8: John B. Toews, Perilous Journey. The Mennonite Brethren in Russia 1860–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 1988), 21, https://archive.org/details/PerilousJourneyBookocr. Cf. also “Vorwort zur dritten Auflage,” Gesang-Buch in welchem eine Sammlung geistreicher Lieder befindlich, 3rd edition in Russia (Odessa: Franzow, 1859), https://books.google.ca/books?id=MtwTAAAAYAAJ&lpg.

Note 9: August von Haxthausen, Studien über die innern Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländlichen Einrichtungen Rußlands, part II (Hannover: Hahn, 1847), 189n., https://archive.org/details/studienberdiein03kosegoog/.

Note 10: Heinrich Franz (1880), “Vorwort,” Choralbuch zunächst zum Gebrauch in den mennonitischen Schulen Südrusslands, 2nd edition (Leipzig, 1880), https://hdl.handle.net/2027/nc01.ark:/13960/t50g5wb1m. Abram Kröker (Pfarrer Eduard Wüst. Der große Erweckungsprediger in den deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands [Spat, Crimea: Self-published, ca. 1903], 64f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Pis/Kroeker.pdf) contends, however, that Eduard Wüst—or more specifically his wife—introduced Russian Mennonites to four-part harmony and mixed choirs; Jakob Prinz, Die Kolonien der Brüdergemeinde. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands (Pjatigorsk, 1898), 90, http://digital.slub-dresden.de/id369529960.

Note 11: Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 712.

Note 12: Cf. James Urry, “None but Saints”: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia, 1789–1889 (Winnipeg, MB: Hyperion, 1989), 216; John B. Toews, “Harmony amid Disharmony: A Diary Portrait of Mennonite Singing in Russian during the 1860s,” Mennonite Life 40, no. 4 (1985) 4–7, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1985dec.pdf; idem, Perilous Journey, 70f.

Note 13: Daniel Schlatter, Bruchstücke aus einigen Reisen nach dem südlichen Rußland in den Jahren 1822 bis 1828 (St. Gallen: Huber, 1830), 364, https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb11008440_00005.html.

Note 14: "Brandweingesang"; cf. full quotation in Peter Letkemann, “Der Streit um den Zifferngesang und der Gesangunterricht in den mennonitischen Schulen Russlands, 1845-1870,” Rückblick: Glaube und Gemeinde im Spiegel der Geschichte, no. 1 (July 2011), 14, https://neu.chortitza.org/2022/02/zeitschrift-rueckblick-2011-01/.

Note 15: Toews, “Harmony and Disharmony,” 5–6.

Note 16: Berg, “Development of Choral Singing,” 134f.

Note 17: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/when-singing-becomes-urgent-survival.html.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), June 13, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/06/four-part-singing-in-mennonite-schools.html

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948. The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” ( note 1 ). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God. In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth ...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...