Skip to main content

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation.

In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name (note 1). 

On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers (Zahlen) from the church hymnal” (note 2).

Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote:

“Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flourishes and embellishments that the melody became completely unrecognizable, and it was impossible despite my good ear, to retain any one of these strange melodies in my memory.” (Note 3)

The apple does not fall far from the tree, apparently. The singing in the Chortitza Colony was especially unbearable and unholy to Heinrich Heese—a former Einlage (Chortitza) teacher and colony administrator and now Cornies’ lead educationalist in Molotschna: “There still seems to be no taste [in the Chortitza area] for singing in harmony. … O that our Lord Jesus would no longer be greeted with such distorted singing in our churches, from which even the angels turn away in offence!” (note 4).

Notably it was not the church, but the schools where a new form of religious singing based upon a system of musical notation was first introduced in Molotschna. This approach was initiated by “Prussian school teachers”—notably Heinrich Franz in the village of Gnadenfeld, a former student of Gnadenfeld’s Elder Friedrich Lange at Rodlofferhufen, Prussia.

Heinrich Heese sought to instill in his students in Ohrloff his own dream for quality singing in the colonies, connecting aesthetics with piety and ethics. He recalled that:

“[… in Prussia] Mennonites would sing so sublimely that all hearts would soften to the blessed joy in Christ and even the angels in heaven would join in ... The songbooks of the time had notes above each song; it was only later, when the notes were omitted in the newer revised hymnals, that the singing in our churches deteriorated into the present-day disharmony. To the extent to which the harmonious singing in our churches was lost, to the same extent our fathers lost their holy way of life in true love to God and his holy Word.” (Note 5)

There was some support for new music styles in Rudnerweide too, for example, where Jacob Bräul was teacher (also previously in Einlage). P. M. Friesen reported on Bräul’s ability to teach Russian as well as the fact that he was “famous for his teaching of arithmetic, singing, and penmanship” (note 6). In 1840 Rudnerweide Elder Benjamin Ratzlaff wrote to his Chortitza counterpart Jacob Hildebrandt about a proposed hymnal not yet in print (note 7). In 1844, a new edition of the Prussian hymnal was published in Odessa for Russian Mennonite congregations—the same hymn texts, but in many cases new suggested melodies, though without notation; 15,400 copies were published in three editions by 1859, and soon every household had a hymnal—together with a Bible, and a few instructional and devotional books (note 8).

As early as 1837 copies of Heinrich Franz’s growing collection of music also started to circulate, and in 1860 the Choralbuch was published in its first edition of 5,000 copies. Franz introduced four-part harmony instruction in his school and beyond “for the beauty, purity and correctness” as well as “uniformity” of singing across congregations (note 9).

Besides offering 163 melodies for songs in the hymnal, the Choralbuch also introduced another 112 songs for church, school and home. For Franz, singing participates in God’s own work of “training for the kingdom of heaven” (note 10); four decades later P. M. Friesen could write that Franz’s “Chorale-book in ciphers has transformed the spiritual singing of Russian Mennonites (…) and even dominates it today” (note 11).

Not surprisingly the change in music proved to be a source of great distress for others (note 12). If traditional Mennonite singing could be described in 1822 as “exceedingly harsh and loud, forced from the throat” (note 13), traditionalists now compared part-singing in harmony “to a pub-song” style (note 14). Others thought that it “was military in character,” and found it to be so “repugnant” that they “could not attend such meetings”; some even saw in it “a great evil” and an “innovation as contrary to the Christian faith” (note 15).

Yet by 1890—after many conservatives had left for North America—most churches especially in the secessionist Mennonite Brethren congregations “had a choir that sang on Sunday morning” (note 16). The love of good hymn-singing that developed among Russian Mennonites would later give great joy in faith, and sustain many in the darkest chapters still to come—wholly consistent with the long tradition of writing and singing hymns that is reflected even in their martyr stories (note 17).

---Notes---

Note 1: In David Epp, Johann Cornies: Züge aus seinem Leben und Wirken [1909], Historische Schriftenreihe, Buch 3 (Rosthern, SK: Echo, 1946), 62, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/?file=1dok15.pdf. For further and detailed research on this topic, see especially the references below to the writings of Peter Letkemann and Wesley Berg.

Note 2: In Epp, Johann Cornies, 75.

Note 3: Cf. Augustin Engelbrecht, Aufsätze pädagogischen Inhalts. Ein Buch für Seelsorger und Volksschullehrer zur angenehmen und belehrenden Unterhaltung (Landshut: Krüll, 1821), 237, https://books.google.ca/books?id=ZTlNAAAAcAAJ&lpg. On Cornies' use of Engelbrecht, cf. James Urry, “The Source of Johann Cornies’ ‘Rules’ on Schools and Education,” Mennonite Historian 45, no. 4 (December 2019), 10–11, http://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/45.4.MHDec19.pdf; and Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Cornies and Engelbrecht on Schools and Rules,” Mennonite Historian 46 no. 2 (June 2020), 9–10, http://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/46.2.MHJun20.pdf.

Note 4: Jacob A. Klassen, cited in Wesley Berg, “The Development of Choral Singing Among the Mennonites of Russia to 1895,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 55, no. 2 (April 1981), 133. See also Berg, “Music among the Mennonites of Russia,” in Mennonites in Russia, edited by John Friesen, 203–219 (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1989).

Note 5: Heinrich Heese, “Brief History of our Mennonite Brethren,” excerpted in Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 113, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 6: Heese in Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 111. Cf. Wesley Berg, “Hymns of the Old Colony Mennonites and the Old Way of Singing,” The Musical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (1996), 77–117.

Note 7: Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 781.

Note 8: John B. Toews, Perilous Journey. The Mennonite Brethren in Russia 1860–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 1988), 21, https://archive.org/details/PerilousJourneyBookocr. Cf. also “Vorwort zur dritten Auflage,” Gesang-Buch in welchem eine Sammlung geistreicher Lieder befindlich, 3rd edition in Russia (Odessa: Franzow, 1859), https://books.google.ca/books?id=MtwTAAAAYAAJ&lpg.

Note 9: August von Haxthausen, Studien über die innern Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländlichen Einrichtungen Rußlands, part II (Hannover: Hahn, 1847), 189n., https://archive.org/details/studienberdiein03kosegoog/.

Note 10: Heinrich Franz (1880), “Vorwort,” Choralbuch zunächst zum Gebrauch in den mennonitischen Schulen Südrusslands, 2nd edition (Leipzig, 1880), https://hdl.handle.net/2027/nc01.ark:/13960/t50g5wb1m. Abram Kröker (Pfarrer Eduard Wüst. Der große Erweckungsprediger in den deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands [Spat, Crimea: Self-published, ca. 1903], 64f., https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Pis/Kroeker.pdf) contends, however, that Eduard Wüst—or more specifically his wife—introduced Russian Mennonites to four-part harmony and mixed choirs; Jakob Prinz, Die Kolonien der Brüdergemeinde. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien Südrußlands (Pjatigorsk, 1898), 90, http://digital.slub-dresden.de/id369529960.

Note 11: Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia, 712.

Note 12: Cf. James Urry, “None but Saints”: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia, 1789–1889 (Winnipeg, MB: Hyperion, 1989), 216; John B. Toews, “Harmony amid Disharmony: A Diary Portrait of Mennonite Singing in Russian during the 1860s,” Mennonite Life 40, no. 4 (1985) 4–7, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1985dec.pdf; idem, Perilous Journey, 70f.

Note 13: Daniel Schlatter, Bruchstücke aus einigen Reisen nach dem südlichen Rußland in den Jahren 1822 bis 1828 (St. Gallen: Huber, 1830), 364, https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb11008440_00005.html.

Note 14: "Brandweingesang"; cf. full quotation in Peter Letkemann, “Der Streit um den Zifferngesang und der Gesangunterricht in den mennonitischen Schulen Russlands, 1845-1870,” Rückblick: Glaube und Gemeinde im Spiegel der Geschichte, no. 1 (July 2011), 14, https://neu.chortitza.org/2022/02/zeitschrift-rueckblick-2011-01/.

Note 15: Toews, “Harmony and Disharmony,” 5–6.

Note 16: Berg, “Development of Choral Singing,” 134f.

Note 17: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/when-singing-becomes-urgent-survival.html.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), June 13, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/06/four-part-singing-in-mennonite-schools.html

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Ideas for Educational Reform, 1832

After four decades in Russia, the president of the Guardianship Committee for Foreign Colonists, Andrei Fadeev, considered only eight of 116 Mennonite teachers in the two larger regions of Katerynoslav and Tauria—which included the Molotschna—fit to teach ( note 1 ). Jakob Bräul’s Rudnerweide schoolhouse was given the same status as Heinrich Heese’s Ohrloff Agricultural Society School with regard to policies and “especially for the teaching of Russian” ( note 2 ). Fadeev triggered great angst when by “imperial decree” he distributed a book to church elders written by German Mennonite Abraham Hunzinger on the modernization of Mennonite schools and church. It was a friendly gesture and poke. The Molotschna was already a tinderbox, and this spark introduced by a state official to strengthen the community ignited a fire in the colony. Fadeev wrote to Johann Cornies on January 12, 1832: “Most valued Cornies ... I advise you to acquire and read a booklet sent to your church leaders f...

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps ( Umsiedler-Lager ) around Exin ( Kcynia ) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt ( Żnin ), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode ( Słupowiec ), Schwarzerde ( Malice ), Schmiedebach, etc. ( note 1) . Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig ( Gdańsk ) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin. Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” ( note 2) . Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily. Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec) , near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for ...

Non-Resistant Service: Forestry Camps

The 1902 photos are of the Mennonite Crimean Forestry ( Forstei ) “Commando” in the vineyards and orchards of southern Crimea on route to Yalta (" Gut [estate] Forroß";  note 1). The tasks for the units or commandos were to plant forests, lay out nurseries, and raise model orchards—work not directly or meaningfully connected to non-resistance, but deemed by the state as an acceptable alternative to state or military service. This non-combatant, alternative service program was the largest, most expensive and most formative, faith-based undertaking by Mennonites during the Mennonite "golden era" in Russia ( note 2 ). The first cohort of young men were chosen and sent for their term of alternative service in 1880: “On November 15 [1880] in Tokmak the first German youth were chosen [by lot] in the presence of the [Mennonite] district mayor and also of Elder A. Goerz. There, with singing and prayer, they beseeched the Lord for His mercy, which interested the Russian ...

1843: London Bible Society, revival and School reform

In 1843 the Russian Mennonite colonies received a visitation from the London Bible Society. It was the same year that Charles Dickens published "A Christmas Carol" about the miser Ebenezer Scrooge and his conversion after the visitation of three Christmas ghosts! Dickens was not happy that the Church’s overseas mission budget was so large, while in his view they neglected the poor on their own doorsteps in London. Ebenezer was in fact a common British name of the era. A few years earlier the Molotschna was visited by a delegation from the British and Foreign Bible Society. The British agent, Reverend Ebeneezer Henderson, convinced Molotschna elders and Johann Cornies to establish their own Bible Society. "As they live on habits of friendship and intimacy with their Tatar neighbours, and one of their principal men [Cornies] speaks the Tatar with fluency, we furnished him with a good supply of New Testaments, and other portions of Scripture, in that language, that they m...

Canadian Mennonites and Paraguay: 1922

The first attached photo vividly depicts a meeting of conservative Mennonite elders in Saskatchewan and Manitoba in 1922 who intended to lead their communities to Paraguay. This was happening as hundreds of “Old Colony” Mennonites were leaving for Mexico. The “Old Colonists” from Manitoba’s West Reserve were in fact the first conservative Canadian Mennonites to scout out Paraguay for settlement land. In 1920 they were assisted in their search by New York financier and lawyer, General Samuel McRoberts, who had extensive holdings as well as political and business connections in Paraguay. The delegation travelled 90 km into the Chaco interior, west of the Paraguay River. They were however unimpressed with the land and ultimately recommended Mexico to their community ( note 1 ). Other conservative groups in Manitoba and Saskatchewan were however interested in sending their own scouts to assess the Chaco and the political climate in Paraguay vis-à-vis the list of privileges they were seek...

Russo-Japanese War and the Mennonite Response, 1904-05

In February 1904, Russia declared war on Japan and Mennonite congregations sent the Tsar messages of loyalty, love and prayers. The large Lichtenau-Petershagen-Schönsee congregation in the Mennonite Molotschna Colony in today’s Ukraine led by 80-year-old Elder (Bishop) Jakob Töws expressed its “deep loyalty and love for the throne and the Fatherland” ( note 1 ). Similarly, the Mennonite Chortitza congregation declared that Mennonites bow “humbly before the Imperial Majesty with most faithful love and devotion,” and “together with all faithful subjects send their most passionate prayers and supplications to the Most High, that He may extend his mighty hand over the beloved Tsar and the Russian people, and that peace may soon be returned” ( note 2 ). The Einlage Mennonite Brethren congregation offered a similar statement, “inspired by feelings of boundless dedication to the Sovereign Fatherland,” with “passionate prayers” for the Tsar and Fatherland, based on 1 Timothy 2:1–4 ( note 3 ...

“German Days” on the Prairie, 1930s

Recently an acquaintance shared a photo from a Saskatchewan picnic, likely from the late 1930s. Twenty-seven individuals, children, parents and grandparents, are dressed in festive but comfortable clothing. The group includes her grandparents—both children of Mennonites who came to the US from Russia in the 1870s—and other relatives and friends. In the middle of the photograph, spread out like a picnic blanket, is a large swastika flag with the iron cross—the symbol of the German veterans’ association ( Deutscher Reichskriegerbund ; note 1 ); a young boy holds one corner of the flag. There are good reasons to think that this photo was taken at “German Day” ( Deutscher Tag ) celebrations, which were held annually in the 1930s in each prairie province. Saskatchewan German Day rallies rotated annually between Regina and Saskatoon, between seeding and harvest time. Its first gathering was in 1930 which drew some 4,000 attendees ( note 2 ). In 1932, six months before Hitler’s seizure of pow...