Skip to main content

Spanish Flu Pandemic in Ukraine and Mennonite Response

Mennonite memoirs say little about the 1918 Spanish Flu pandemic. In the second half of that year Ukraine was dealing with a typhus epidemic, cholera epidemic and the Spanish Flu pandemic—all at the same time. Troubles were compounded by the withdrawal of protective German troops and increased but still sporadic attacks by anarchist bandits.

In September and October 1918, the Mennonite newspaper Friedensstimme recorded outbreaks of the Spanish flu in the Molotschna, Sagradovka, Memrik, Fürstenland, and Naumenko Mennonite settlements. The Friedensstimme summarized that “the Spanish disease is running rampant everywhere in our colonies. Deaths are also resulting here and there” (note 1).

September 1918:

  • In the Sagradovka Settlement, Katharina Unruh Thiessen died of the Spanish flu at the age of 69. She suffered 12 days (note 2).
  • Also in the Sagradovka Settlement, Gerhard Jakob Wiebe struggled with the Spanish flu for 10 days before dying at the age of 38 (note 3).
  • In the Memrik Settlement, Jakob Peter Isaak died of Spanish flu at age 28; he had a variety of underlying health issues. The officiating pastor spoke on Isaiah 28:16-17 (note 4).
  • In the Naumenko Settlement, Jakob Dietrich Braun died of Spanish Flu at 42 years of age. He left behind a wife and six children; the seventh was born after his death (note 5).
  • A correspondent from the Fürstenland Settlement wrote that “the Spanish Flu is also paying a visit to every home and with every resident. For several weeks there had always been about thirty sick factory workers, but a change for the better is noticeable” (note 6).

Spanish Flu deaths were reported in the Molotschna Settlement in October.

  • In the south-east corner of the settlement in the village of Pordenau, 75-year-old minister Heinrich Köhn died of the Spanish Flu after suffering 10 days (note 7).
  • In Rosenort, Molotschna, Peter Martin Janzen, age 31, struggled with the Spanish Flu for ten days before dying; his illness was compounded by a lung infection (note 8).

A letter published December 4 from Ohrloff, Molotschna noted that “many are falling ill.” The letter writer adds that both Mrs. Peter Bergman and Jakob Dyck have been “lying sick for some time with the flu,” and it is not clear if either will live. At the same time the author notes the community’s fear of robber bandits. “But everything stands in God’s hand. May we all be protected … and may we frequently lift our eyes to the hills, from where all help comes, Psalm 121” (note 9).

The diseases lingered into the next year. Dietrich Jakob Boldt, owner of a limestone factory in Schönwiese by the city of Alexandrowsk, sent his family to his childhood home in the Sagradovka Settlement in 1919 after his assets were seized. When he joined them shortly thereafter, “the Spanish Flu, typhus, dysentery and other illnesses were rampant everywhere” (note 10).

The Friedensstimme did not publish many death notices; these are representative and show that the Spanish Flu was present in all Mennonite settlements in Ukraine in the second half of 1918.

The notices above suggest however that the number of Mennonite deaths related to the Spanish flu were also held in check. This can be explained in the large Molotschna settlement, for example, by the quick medical and civic response in early September to the first nearby cholera outbreak.

The September 7 issue of the Friedensstimme reported breaking news that four individuals had died from a sudden cholera outbreak in the German [Lutheran/Catholic] Prischib Settlement; one person was dead within 10 hours. The settlement was on the west bank of the Molotschna River, and so the editor warned Mennonites on the east side that “extreme caution must be taken in all respects” (note 11).

A week later the Friedensstimme reported that eight people in two Prischib villages had now died from cholera (note 12). On September 11, Molotschna (Halbstadt District) Mennonite mayors and doctors met for an emergency meeting to deal with the impending Cholera epidemic. Below are the directives that were immediately imposed (note 13):

“Minutes of the Assembly of Village Mayors and Medical Doctors of the Halbstadt District, Halbstadt, September 11, 1918.

“The meeting was called by the Halbstadt District Office. The chair Dr. Seiler first drew attention to the danger that threatens the Halbstadt District by the cholera epidemic that has broken out in the Prischib District. After much discussion, it was agreed to prescribe the following 7 rules of conduct to protect the population against cholera.

1. Water for tea or "Pribs" must be boiled. In particular it was emphasized that in schools only boiled drinking water is allowed for the pupils. It is advised to boil milk too. Especially after the epidemic has broken out, no raw milk should not be drunk.

2. Vegetables must be carefully cleaned, washed and scalded before eating.

3. Raw fruit must not be eaten; the sale of grapes is prohibited.

4. Any illness that begins with diarrhea and vomiting must be reported to the doctor immediately. It is advised that where an ill person refuses to go to the doctor, the neighbors should report it.

5. The cesspits must be disinfected with caustic lime; old cesspits must be filled in. The seats of the school outhouses must be washed and disinfected daily.

6. All food must be carefully protected from flies. Bugs (bed bugs [Wanzen], cockroaches, etc.) must be killed where possible.

7. Wash hands carefully before each meal.

The assembly decided to set up an isolation house as a hospital barrack in each physician's area where the sick must be taken immediately.

It was decided to call upon former medics [WWI Alternative Service] with appropriate compensation to voluntarily care for sick.

To oversee and enforce the regulations amongst the population, it was decided to renew the job description of the medics in accordance with the previous regulations that exist in the village offices.

In order to give the population the opportunity to vaccinate against cholera, it was decided to buy the necessary vaccines to be paid for by the district office. Doctors are asked to arrange for the correct amount of serum, which they promised to do.”

The quick medical and civic response to the cholera epidemic with strict rules adopted September 11 likely enabled the mayors and doctors to adapt their response for the Spanish Flu as well as it broke out in the next days and weeks. Certainly this saved more than a few lives.

The academic literature reflects these findings. John Paul Davies' recent work on epidemics in Russia notes for 1918 that “a large cholera epidemic was unfolding" in October and November and that "Russian prisoners of war brought the Spanish flu from the West.” Davies also notes that the Bolsheviks continued the Commission of Serums and Vaccines and vigorously pursued mass vaccinations (note 13).

When one reads through the relevant issues of the Friedensstimme, it seems that even the pandemic—or multiple epidemics—were overshadowed by the fear of political unrest and the name "Makhno"—the anarchist leader.

That should not take away, however, from the important medical and community response that required—indeed mandated—full participation to fight the diseases together and to get children back in school safely.

Is there a uniquely Mennonite way to respond to a pandemic? In this episode they frame their suffering theologically and in community, while trusting on medical advice, vaccines and interventions to mitigate further disaster; children are kept in school, albeit with strict safety measures; community wellness and mutual care takes precedence over rogue individualism.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Friedensstimme 16, no. 57 (October 5, 1918), 6, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk67.pdf.

Note 2: Friedensstimme 16, no. 64 (October 29, 1918), 6, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk73.pdf. GRanDMA #305460.

Note 3: Friedensstimme 16, no. 57 (October 5, 1918), 6, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk67.pdf; GRanDMA #1005934.

Note 4: Friedensstimme 16, no. 69 (November 16, 1918), 7, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk76.pdf. GRanDMA #1273362.

Note 5: This notice was published three years later in a letter to the Mennonitische Rundschau (October 5, 1921), 13, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/lfrs185.pdf; GRanDMA #358185.

Note 6: Friedensstimme 16, no. 54 (September 24, 1918), 8, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk64.pdf.

Note 7: Friedensstimme 16, no. 64 (October 29, 1918), 6, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk73.pdf; GRanNDMA #305460.

Note 8: Friedensstimme 16, no. 63 (October 26, 1918), 6, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk73.pdf.

Note 9: Friedensstimme 16, no. 74 (December 4, 1918), 7, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk80.pdf.

Note 10: Cf. biographical information at https://chortitza.org/FB/BF573.html; also GRanDMA #1017958.

Note 11: Friedensstimme 16, no. 49 (September 7, 1918), 7, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk59.pdf.

Note 12: Friedensstimme 16, no. 51 (September 14, 1918), 7, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk61.pdf.

Note 13: Friedensstimme 16, no. 52 (September 17, 1918), https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk62.pdf.

Note 14: John Paul Davies, Russia in the Time of Cholera, Disease under Romanovs and Soviets (New York: Bloomsbury, 2018), 163; cf. also pp. 154f., 163, 171, 190, https://books.google.ca/books?id=1BOMDwAAQBAJ&pg=.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Mennonite Medical Orderlies in World War I

Russia declared war on Germany on July 20, 1914. Mennonite ministers and civic leaders met on July 22, and called for the extension of their community’s alternative service agreement beyond forestry service: to form complete medical units to gather the wounded from the front and to transport them by hospital trains to interior hospitals; to establish special hospital facilities for the wounded in the colonies; to fundraise large sums for the Red Cross; and to grant financial aid to families of soldiers ( note 1 ). Mennonites knew that they would have to prove their patriotism in positive and tangible ways in order to retain property rights and privileges. Abraham Kröker, editor of the Friedensstimme , wrote just before the start of the war: “Do we not owe it our government and Russian neighbours to show that if a war … broke out, we would be ready to serve the interests of the Fatherland [Russia], and to help the needy?” D. H. Epp, editor of Der Botschafter , wrote: “We need to show ...

Flooding and Mennonites: A Common Thread

In November 2021 many Mennonites in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia were impacted by disastrous flooding. The mayor of Abbotsford—the worst-hit city—as well as the local Member of Parliament were Mennonites. Many Mennonites across Canada had family members who are directly impacted.  Flood stories have been an important thread in the Prussian-Russian Mennonite story. How have Mennonites responded? Mutual aid stands out. For Menno Simons, it was “the only sign whereby a true Christian may be known” ( note 1 ).  In 1562, “Dutch people of the Mennonite religion” were specifically invited by the Polish banking house Loysen to settle on the “Tiegenhoff part of the Vistula Delta” to rebuild dikes partially destroyed by huge floods (1540 and 1543) and wars, and to drain low-lying lagoons and swamps over large blocks of land ( note 2 ). The Tiege River—a branch of the Vistula—was at or below sea level.  Dams and ditches along the Nogat and Vistula rivers had been construct...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

"Between Monarchs" a lot can happen (like revolt). A Mennonite "Accession" Prayer for the Monarch

It is surprising for many to learn that Russian Mennonites sang the Russian national anthem "God save the Tsar" in special worship services ... frequently! We have a "Mennonite prayer" and sermon sample for the accession of the monarch ( Thronbesteigung ) or its anniversary, with closing prayer-- and another Mennonite sampler of a coronation ( Krönung ) prayer, sermon and closing prayer ( note 1 ). After 70 years with one monarch, the manual is made for a time like this--try sharing it with your Canadian Mennonite pastor ;) Technically there is no “between” monarchs: “The Queen is Dead. Long live the King!” But there is much that happens or can happen before the coronation of the new monarch. Including revolt. Mennonites in Molotschna had hosted Tsar Alexander I shortly before his death in 1825. Upon his death in December, Alexander's brother and heir Constantine declined succession, and prior to the coronation of the next brother Nicholas, some 3,000 rebel (mos...

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps ( Umsiedler-Lager ) around Exin ( Kcynia ) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt ( Żnin ), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode ( Słupowiec ), Schwarzerde ( Malice ), Schmiedebach, etc. ( note 1) . Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig ( Gdańsk ) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin. Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” ( note 2) . Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily. Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec) , near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for ...

"Should Holy Baptism be offered to Deaf-Mutes (1886)?”

In 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the following resolution: “A deaf-mute who desires Holy Baptism may be baptized, providing he is not an idiot ( blödsinnig ), and an understanding of baptism is first introduced to him as far as possible” ( note 1 ). A. G. Ambarzumov, a Protestant Armenian who had been trained in Germany and Switzerland for teaching the deaf, started a small initiative in the Mennonite “Molotschna Settlement” in Ukraine/South Russia in the 1870s. After a difficult start, benefactors in the Molotschna embraced the idea of a larger institution for the deaf—the first such institution in South Russia--especially because of the demonstrable results produced in the lives of students. “After only four months, Herr Ambarzumov could demonstrate encouraging results; the students were able to pronounce almost all vowels and consonants and speak and write some words" ( note 2 ). The institution's n...

Russian Mennonites and German troop withdrawal, Advent 1918

First Advent, 1918: The last page of the final issue of the German military newspaper Deutsche Zeitung für Ost-Taurien ( DZOT ), informed readers of a German Catholic mass at the Mennonite Church in Melitopol (near the large Mennonite settlement of Molotschna) for 8 am, followed by a Protestant (Lutheran) Military Advent worship service at 9 am ( pic ), with the Mennonite worship service beginning at 11 am. A week earlier they had done the same to honour their fallen comrades on Eternity Sunday ( Totensonntag )—in the Mennonite worship space. The Mennonite colonists—“especially Molotschna”—became “trusted friends,” whose assistance, hospitality and German manner created a “second home” for the troops, who now understood that “they belong inseparably together as members of one people ( Stamm ),” according to the editor ( note 1; pic ). Not only did troops give away German books, refrigerators, phonographs, recordings, movie projectors, distillery equipment, typewriters, linens, fo...

Mennonite Christmases in the Diary of Jacob P. Janzen, 1911-1914

The following accounts of Mennonite Christmases before the Revolution are from the unpublished diary of Jacob P. Janzen ( note 1 ). His entries are “real,” in the sense that they include all the complexities and messiness of life, with interesting detail. These accounts are from a single man in his thirties (b. 1880) in Rudnerweide, Molotschna. His entries show him as a sensitive, humble, and curious man, who was certainly well-informed about life in the community.          --Arnold Neufeldt-Fast -- Christmas 1911 (Janzen was working at "Bethania Mental Hospital" on the Dnjeper River near Einlage, note 2 ) “Some of the staff went to [director Peter] Schellenbergs to practice Christmas songs. I did not go. Aganetha Woelk [patient] had broken several window panes; I had to replace them and it got quite late. But while working in the female patients’ quarters I had a chance to see how they made beautiful, but inexpensive ornaments for the Christmas tree. Nur...