Skip to main content

An Editor for Tumultuous Political Times: Abraham Kröker

Abraham Kröker (1863-1944) was the well-known editor of the Molotschna-based paper—variously named Volksfreund, Friedensstimme or Flugblatt, as well as the annual Familienkalender. He published through WW1 and the anarchy and early Bolshevist years, which included six months of friendly German occupation in 1918.

His editorials from those times are all online and fascinating to read, https://chortitza.org/FB/mennru.htm. Looking back on the collapse of Mennonite life in Ukraine, he pointed to the love of “mammon,” the “materialistic disposition” and “nationalistic arrogance” of Mennonites, and not least to the forgetfulness of the unique call of the community to “sacrifice, suffering and renunciation for the sake of others.”

In 1918--a very dangerous context in which to publish news--Kröker reminded his readers that according to the example of the Apostle Paul who suffered under unjust authorities, the Christian is to pray and intercede “for kings and all those in authority, that we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness” (1 Timothy 2: 1–2); in particular, for stability, order, and the regulation of society. “Through faithful intercession for the government, the people and the fatherland, we can have a powerful and beneficial impact on politics” (note 1).

Under friendly German occupation, the Mennonite press had freedom to ask the community’s most pressing and difficult theological question: Why has God allowed us to suffer? In his editorial published immediately after German “liberation” from Makhno's anarchists in April 1918, Kröker framed the events in terms of divine discipline for the reckless pursuit of wealth.

“We have neglected our workers spiritually and intellectually. One should have offered them reading materials and for those who could not read, create the possibility to learn how. And above all we should have done more—though this was of course strictly forbidden under the old regime—to familiarize them with the gospel. ...”

And to dispel all thought that the community’s suffering was a type of religious persecution, Kröker drew an explicit contrast to “our martyr fathers” who in clear conscience “suffered for the sake of the highest things.” Rather,

“… we have suffered because of 'mammon' which we pursued too vigorously. We were far too materialistic, too selfish. That is why God first sent the land liquidation laws; and when he did not achieve his goal, the knife had to cut deeper. A man is punished with that with which he sins. Do we understand this? Have we learnt anything?” (Note 2)

Over the next weeks, other letter writers also pointed to the “madness of the materialists.” “Our people are hard of heart, selfish and have abused their earlier privileges in many ways" (note 3). These were only the first attempts at answers by a shocked people largely convinced that God rules over history, and conscious of a special calling in the divine drama in and with Russia.

And amongst all denominations, “it has pleased God,” according to Kröker, to “present and manifest” through the Mennonites this “pearl of evangelical truth gained at great cost by our fathers.” Kröker restates the same conviction a year later: Mennonites are “predestined to foreshadow … even in an imperfect way, the great peace among nations in the Thousand-Year-Reign [of Christ]” (note 4). And it is because of this theological hope that “our youth are raised differently,” he reminds his readers; “not military bravery or fighting are presented as the highest civic virtues, but rather sacrifice, suffering and renunciation for the sake of others. In all our schools, non-resistance is explicitly taught and impressed [upon students] according to the Mennonite catechism” (note 5).

The first new issue of the Friedensstimme was published July 12, 1919—during a short pause in the chaos—with a lengthy three-page editorial asking again, “Where did we fail?” “What sins could have provoked this [divine] judgement?” (note 6). His editorial is biting, while offering a path forward:

“We did not prove ourselves reliable with the earthly goods entrusted to us by God. We did not understand how to use the unjust mammon to make friends. … We did not first seek God’s kingdom and his righteousness.”

This first new editorial under friendly White Army rule also had much to confess, especially with regard to national or racial arrogance. When it “was almost a crime to be a German … many of us signed petitions that ‘no German blood flows through our veins’… though we all know very well, that we are Germanified Dutchmen.”

Yet with German occupation of Ukraine we “suddenly became more extreme Germanophiles than the Imperial Germans … Placing our trust in this highly militaristic Germany was a denial of our better self and in direct contradiction to our traditions and principles.” After “reaffirming our Mennonite principle of non-resistance [Alternative Service as medics]… only one year later most of us abandoned this principle.”

Editor Kröker refused to lay blame on those who served in the Selbstschutz, but pointed instead to “the cause,” namely “our exaggerated enthusiasm for Germany. This was not always with us, but it was triggered by the injustice which we Germans in Russia had to endure. … Until the war we lived in good agreement with our Russian neighbours. … We must free ourselves from all nationalistic arrogance” (note 7).

In November 1919, Kröker wrote unambiguously to his Mennonite readership that the community as a whole had “provoked the sword.”

“Our Fathers reaching back to the martyrs cherished and upheld the treasure of their insight [non-resistance] high above all else, and sacrificed even property and life… . But in the summer of 1918, the South Russian Mennonites of our generation experienced in very short order a stark exchange of their convictions, and though there was no particular necessity for it at the time, they let go of the invaluable good of non-resistance. Today many already recognize that they had made a great error at that time. … It appears to me that we … provoked the sword, and it has fallen upon us as a people. Besides the materialistic disposition, the pursuit of wealth, this could be the greatest sin of our people, and should be recognized and confessed.” (Note 8)

Perhaps there is still some wisdom in reading a previous generation struggling through tumultuous times.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Abraham Kröker, “Des Christen Stellung zum Staat, zur Obrigkeit, Politik und Parteiwesen,” Volksfreund II (XI), no. 5 (23) (1918), 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk10.pdf  Generally, cf. Helmut T. Huebert, “Abraham Jakob Kroeker: A Father of M.B. Publication in Russia, 1863–1944,” in Shepherds, Servants and Prophets: Leadership Among the Russian Mennonites (ca. 1880–1960), edited by Harry Loewen, 247–264 (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2003). Also GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Kroeker,_Abraham_Jakob_(1863-1944).

Note 2: Kröker, “Unsere Befreiung,” Volksfreund II (XI), no. 16 (34) (April 27, 1918), 1 [broken link]

Note 3: Volksfreund II (XI), no. 17 (35) (May 1, 1918), 3 [broken link].

Note 4: Kröker, “Mennonitentum und Wehrlosigkeit,” Friedenstimme XVII, no. 38 (November 16, 1919), 2–3; 2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk96.pdf.

Note 5: Kröker, “Einige Gedanken zu unserm Wehrlosigkeitsprinzip,” Friedensstimme XVI, no. 53 (September 21, 1918), 2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk63.pdf.

Note 6: Kröker, “Worin liegt unser Fehler?,” Friedensstimme XVII, no. 21 (July 12, 1919), 1–3, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk86.pdf.

Note 7: Kröker, “Worin liegt unser Fehler?”

Note 8: Kröker, “Mennonitentum und Wehrlosigkeit,” 2f.

Pic of Abraham Kröker from GAMEO.org.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

The Shift from Dutch to German, 1700s

Already in 1671, Mennonite Flemish Elder Georg Hansen in Danzig published his German-language catechism ( Glaubens-Bericht für die Jugend ) as preparation for youth seeking baptism. Though educational competencies varied, Hansen’s Glaubens-Bericht assumed that youth preparing for baptism had a stronger ability to read complex German than Dutch ( note 1 ). Popular Mennonite preacher Jacob Denner (1659–1746), originally from the Hamburg-Altona Mennonite Church, lived in Danzig for four years in the early 1700s. A first volume of his Dutch sermons was published in 1706 in Danzig and Amsterdam, and then in 1730 and 1751 he published two German collections. Untrained preachers would often read Denner’s sermons: “Those who preached German—which all Prussian preachers around 1750 did, with the exception of the Danzig preachers—had no sermons books from their co-religionists other than this one by Jacob Denner” ( note 2 ). In Danzig and the Vistula Delta region there were some differences...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Eugenics and Euthanasia: Russian Mennonites and the Third Reich

Little surprises me when I write about Russian Mennonites caught “between the devil and the deep blue sea.” A 1944 letter I found recently from Mennonite Prof. Benjamin H. Unruh however offers a new and disturbing snapshot of this leader and the Russian Mennonite community under the umbrella of the Third Reich ( note 1 ). It is not too much to say that this larger-than-life leader stands at the centre of almost every significant Russian Mennonite story between 1915 and 1945, including community decisions during the revolution, the formation of MCC, the emigration of 20,000 Russländer, the miracle release of thousands gathered at the gates of Moscow, 1929-30, the creation of the Paraguayan Fernheim Colony, famine relief in the 1930s, the Canadian debates about identity and worldview in Der Bote and the Rundschau papers, and almost everything that happened with Mennonites in Ukraine from 1941 to 1945. His importance for the Mennonite story cannot be understated. Even for many conte...

Last Days of Mennonite Life on the Molotschna, September 1943

The Molotschna Mennonite Colony was established in 1803; 140 years later its villages were evacuated by retreating German armies. A map of the larger German operation of 1943 and the various "Trecks" is attached. The tens of thousands of evacuees included some 35,000 Mennonites. Nazi Germany had utterly failed Ukrainians, but continued to have plans for their "ethnic Germans" in the east. On Sept. 8, 1943 , the Red Army successfully took Donetsk (Stalino), 230 km east of Molotschna. The next day, S.S. administrators gave orders that every Molotschna family should load one wagon with their possessions and prepare for an orderly evacuation. Hitler was intent on holding Crimea, and sought to set up a defensive line from Zaporizhzhia to Melitopol and south to the Sea of Azov. Evacuation plans east of this line were in place since late June—initially to be resettled “somewhere” west of the Dnieper; on Aug. 17 first steps were taken to move 8,000 hospital beds west o...

On Becoming the Quiet in the Land

They are fair questions: “What happened to the firebrands of the Reformation? How did the movement become so withdrawn--even "dour and unexciting,” according to one historian? Mennonites originally referred to themselves as the “quiet in the land” in contrast to the militant--definitely more exciting--militant revolutionaries of Münster ( note 1 ), and identification with Psalm 35:19f.: “Let not my enemies gloat over me … For they do not speak peace, but they devise deceitful schemes against those who live quietly in the land.” How did Mennonites become the “quiet in the land” in Royal Prussia? Minority non-citizen groups in Poland like Jews, Scots, Huguenots or the much smaller body of Mennonites did not enjoy full political or economic rights as citizens. Ecclesial and civil laws left linguistic or religious minorities vulnerable to extortion. Such groups sought to negotiate a Privilegium or charter with the king, which set out a legal basis for some protections of life an...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Mennonite Literacy in Polish-Prussia

At a Mennonite wedding in Deutsch Kazun in 1833 (pic), neither groom nor bride nor the witnesses could sign the wedding register. A Görtz, a Janzen, a Schröder—born a Görtzen – illiterate. “This act was read to the married couple and witnesses, but not signed because they were unable to write.” Similarly, with the certification of a Mennonite death in Culm (Chelmo), West Prussia, 1813-14: “This document was read and it was signed by us because the witnesses were illiterate.” Spouse and children were unable to read or write. Names like Gerz, Plenert, Kliewer, Kasper, Buller and others. 14 families of the 25 Mennonite deaths registered --or 56%--could not sign the paperwork ( note 1 ; pic ). This appears to be an anomaly. We know some pioneers to Russia were well educated. The letters of the land-scout to Russia, Johann Bartsch to his wife back home (1786-87) are eloquent, beautifully written and indicate a high level of literacy ( note 2 ). Even Klaas Reimer (b. 1770), the founder t...