Skip to main content

An Editor for Tumultuous Political Times: Abraham Kröker

Abraham Kröker (1863-1944) was the well-known editor of the Molotschna-based paper—variously named Volksfreund, Friedensstimme or Flugblatt, as well as the annual Familienkalender. He published through WW1 and the anarchy and early Bolshevist years, which included six months of friendly German occupation in 1918.

His editorials from those times are all online and fascinating to read, https://chortitza.org/FB/mennru.htm. Looking back on the collapse of Mennonite life in Ukraine, he pointed to the love of “mammon,” the “materialistic disposition” and “nationalistic arrogance” of Mennonites, and not least to the forgetfulness of the unique call of the community to “sacrifice, suffering and renunciation for the sake of others.”

In 1918--a very dangerous context in which to publish news--Kröker reminded his readers that according to the example of the Apostle Paul who suffered under unjust authorities, the Christian is to pray and intercede “for kings and all those in authority, that we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness” (1 Timothy 2: 1–2); in particular, for stability, order, and the regulation of society. “Through faithful intercession for the government, the people and the fatherland, we can have a powerful and beneficial impact on politics” (note 1).

Under friendly German occupation, the Mennonite press had freedom to ask the community’s most pressing and difficult theological question: Why has God allowed us to suffer? In his editorial published immediately after German “liberation” from Makhno's anarchists in April 1918, Kröker framed the events in terms of divine discipline for the reckless pursuit of wealth.

“We have neglected our workers spiritually and intellectually. One should have offered them reading materials and for those who could not read, create the possibility to learn how. And above all we should have done more—though this was of course strictly forbidden under the old regime—to familiarize them with the gospel. ...”

And to dispel all thought that the community’s suffering was a type of religious persecution, Kröker drew an explicit contrast to “our martyr fathers” who in clear conscience “suffered for the sake of the highest things.” Rather,

“… we have suffered because of 'mammon' which we pursued too vigorously. We were far too materialistic, too selfish. That is why God first sent the land liquidation laws; and when he did not achieve his goal, the knife had to cut deeper. A man is punished with that with which he sins. Do we understand this? Have we learnt anything?” (Note 2)

Over the next weeks, other letter writers also pointed to the “madness of the materialists.” “Our people are hard of heart, selfish and have abused their earlier privileges in many ways" (note 3). These were only the first attempts at answers by a shocked people largely convinced that God rules over history, and conscious of a special calling in the divine drama in and with Russia.

And amongst all denominations, “it has pleased God,” according to Kröker, to “present and manifest” through the Mennonites this “pearl of evangelical truth gained at great cost by our fathers.” Kröker restates the same conviction a year later: Mennonites are “predestined to foreshadow … even in an imperfect way, the great peace among nations in the Thousand-Year-Reign [of Christ]” (note 4). And it is because of this theological hope that “our youth are raised differently,” he reminds his readers; “not military bravery or fighting are presented as the highest civic virtues, but rather sacrifice, suffering and renunciation for the sake of others. In all our schools, non-resistance is explicitly taught and impressed [upon students] according to the Mennonite catechism” (note 5).

The first new issue of the Friedensstimme was published July 12, 1919—during a short pause in the chaos—with a lengthy three-page editorial asking again, “Where did we fail?” “What sins could have provoked this [divine] judgement?” (note 6). His editorial is biting, while offering a path forward:

“We did not prove ourselves reliable with the earthly goods entrusted to us by God. We did not understand how to use the unjust mammon to make friends. … We did not first seek God’s kingdom and his righteousness.”

This first new editorial under friendly White Army rule also had much to confess, especially with regard to national or racial arrogance. When it “was almost a crime to be a German … many of us signed petitions that ‘no German blood flows through our veins’… though we all know very well, that we are Germanified Dutchmen.”

Yet with German occupation of Ukraine we “suddenly became more extreme Germanophiles than the Imperial Germans … Placing our trust in this highly militaristic Germany was a denial of our better self and in direct contradiction to our traditions and principles.” After “reaffirming our Mennonite principle of non-resistance [Alternative Service as medics]… only one year later most of us abandoned this principle.”

Editor Kröker refused to lay blame on those who served in the Selbstschutz, but pointed instead to “the cause,” namely “our exaggerated enthusiasm for Germany. This was not always with us, but it was triggered by the injustice which we Germans in Russia had to endure. … Until the war we lived in good agreement with our Russian neighbours. … We must free ourselves from all nationalistic arrogance” (note 7).

In November 1919, Kröker wrote unambiguously to his Mennonite readership that the community as a whole had “provoked the sword.”

“Our Fathers reaching back to the martyrs cherished and upheld the treasure of their insight [non-resistance] high above all else, and sacrificed even property and life… . But in the summer of 1918, the South Russian Mennonites of our generation experienced in very short order a stark exchange of their convictions, and though there was no particular necessity for it at the time, they let go of the invaluable good of non-resistance. Today many already recognize that they had made a great error at that time. … It appears to me that we … provoked the sword, and it has fallen upon us as a people. Besides the materialistic disposition, the pursuit of wealth, this could be the greatest sin of our people, and should be recognized and confessed.” (Note 8)

Perhaps there is still some wisdom in reading a previous generation struggling through tumultuous times.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Abraham Kröker, “Des Christen Stellung zum Staat, zur Obrigkeit, Politik und Parteiwesen,” Volksfreund II (XI), no. 5 (23) (1918), 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk10.pdf  Generally, cf. Helmut T. Huebert, “Abraham Jakob Kroeker: A Father of M.B. Publication in Russia, 1863–1944,” in Shepherds, Servants and Prophets: Leadership Among the Russian Mennonites (ca. 1880–1960), edited by Harry Loewen, 247–264 (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2003). Also GAMEO, https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Kroeker,_Abraham_Jakob_(1863-1944).

Note 2: Kröker, “Unsere Befreiung,” Volksfreund II (XI), no. 16 (34) (April 27, 1918), 1 [broken link]

Note 3: Volksfreund II (XI), no. 17 (35) (May 1, 1918), 3 [broken link].

Note 4: Kröker, “Mennonitentum und Wehrlosigkeit,” Friedenstimme XVII, no. 38 (November 16, 1919), 2–3; 2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk96.pdf.

Note 5: Kröker, “Einige Gedanken zu unserm Wehrlosigkeitsprinzip,” Friedensstimme XVI, no. 53 (September 21, 1918), 2, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk63.pdf.

Note 6: Kröker, “Worin liegt unser Fehler?,” Friedensstimme XVII, no. 21 (July 12, 1919), 1–3, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/pletk86.pdf.

Note 7: Kröker, “Worin liegt unser Fehler?”

Note 8: Kröker, “Mennonitentum und Wehrlosigkeit,” 2f.

Pic of Abraham Kröker from GAMEO.org.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps ( Umsiedler-Lager ) around Exin ( Kcynia ) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt ( Żnin ), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode ( Słupowiec ), Schwarzerde ( Malice ), Schmiedebach, etc. ( note 1) . Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig ( Gdańsk ) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin. Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” ( note 2) . Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily. Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec) , near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for ...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Polish-Prussia? Royal Prussia? West Prussia? Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth? Notes for Clarification

The historical jurisdictions, names and political powers under which Mennonites lived since their arrival in lands that are today Poland are difficult to keep straight. However they are important for telling the story right. This post simply provides some notes for orientation with reference to the late sixteenth-century map below. Polish- or Royal Prussia comes into being with the defeat of Teutonic Knights by the Polish Crown in 1466. See the pink-shaded area of the map below. Ducal Prussia is a fiefdom of the Kingdom of Poland after 1525 (see stiped on map). In 1618, this duchy (voivodeship) is inherited by Hohenzollerns of Brandenburg, who separated it from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1657. After 1701, the Elector of Brandenburg is the “King of Prussia” when in that territory. With the First Partition of Poland in 1772, it becomes East Prussia . By 1569 Polish- or Royal Prussia was fully integrated into Kingdom of Poland and part of the larger Polish-Lithuanian...