Skip to main content

From USSR to Cherrywood Station: Mennonites winter in Markham-Stouffville, 1924

On September 26, 1924, 126 Russian Mennonite passengers disembarked the S. S. Melita at Quebec City (note 1). They were among some 20,000 Mennonites who could immigrate to Canada from the Soviet Union in the 1920s. A number of these families received train cards to Cherrywood (Pickering) and Locust Hill (Markham) stations, where they were received by Markham area Mennonites. The Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization (CMBC) registration forms record each family's travel dates as well as their "first place of arrival" in Canada.

The attached artifacts—a few pages from the financial records booklet kept by Markham-Stouffville treasurer J. L. Grove, plus some correspondence—profile concretely the level of support of this community north-east of Toronto for co-religionists fleeing the Soviet Union.

Mennonites in Ontario had been well informed of the relief needs in Russia since 1921 and plans for mass immigration (note 2). In April 1924 the local Stouffville Tribune also published an article announcing that some 5,000 Mennonites from Russia were to arrive in Canada this year and settle [winter] in “Waterloo, Lincoln and York [including Markham and Stouffville] Counties” (note 3).

The article hints at the recently rescinded (1922) Order in Council (1919) which had identified Mennonite “customs, habits and modes of living” as barriers for the assumption of “the duties and responsibilities of Canadian citizenship”—namely public school attendance and conscription in times of war (note 4). “The Mennonites are a thrifty people and if they conform to Canadian laws will make good citizens. They have expressed a willingness to become good Canadian citizens.” The article explains that the Canadian Pacific Railway’s deal to transport the large groups of Mennonites from Russia is based on their successful experience with groups in the 1870s: “The C.P.R. is taking them from the Baltic ports and will transport them to Montreal for $140 a head, and the money need not be paid for two years, each signing a note to that effect on landing at Montreal. Twenty years [sic] ago a batch were brought out on similar conditions and not one of them defaulted. … The Russian Government is favorable to their leaving their leaving the country to which they must never return” (note 5).


That earlier group of Russian Mennonites were also housed initially with Mennonites in Ontario. In the spring of 1875 one group was escorted to Manitoba by Markham Mennonite saw- and gristmill proprietor Simeon Reesor —a cousin to the influential senator in the new Canadian government, David Reesor (note 6).


J. L. Grove’s records have been preserved by his son Lorne of Stouffville. They list the Russian Mennonite families whose first introduction to Canadian life and Mennonite hospitality was in Markham and Stouffville: Dyck, Isaak, Kasdorf, Käthler, Klassen, Krause, Löwen, Martens, Nachtigal, Neufeld, Poetker, Penner, Reimer, Rempel, Rogalsky, Schroeder, Suckau, Suderman, and Warkentin families (see full details below).

Typically after the first winter, the families moved on to the prairies. These families settled in the Manitoba communities of Arnaud, Glenlea, La Salle, Niverville, St. Agathe, Whitewater, Winkler, and Winnipeg; and in Saskatchewan communities of Drake, Hirsen, Waldheim and Rosthern.


The Canadian government had sought guarantees from the larger Mennonite community that the newcomers would settle on the land as farmers (though many had not been involved in agricultural pursuits in Russia); that none would become a public charge for five years; and that they would be cared for upon arrival by their co-religionists.

Through the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization, the Kanadier (1870s immigration group), the “Swiss” Old Mennonites of Ontario, the Evangelical Mennonite Brethren, the Kleine Gemeinde, as well as American Mennonite organizations were prepared by and large to assist in financing. The number of possible immigrants was still uncertain, but in 1921 there were about 120,000 Mennonites in Russia and about half that many in Canada (note 7). The public discrimination against Mennonites in the aftermath of WW1 served to bind Canadian Mennonite groups and also to galvanize support for famine relief and for those able to flee the Soviet regime.

Canadian Mennonite immigration leader Bishop David Toews of Rosthern had earlier proposed a shareholders’ society to raise ten million dollars, estimating that some 100,000 North American Mennonites would be willing to buy $100 shares; $30 would be paid immediately by shareholders, and the balance would be borrowed from the government. Aid recipients would repay the principle with interest to a maximum of 5%. This scheme was met with significant skepticism in places, especially in southern Manitoba and the US (note 8). In 1924 loans were requested to help pay an immediate debt to the CPR (note 9).


Treasurer Grove received seven $100 contributions, six $50 contributions, and seven $25 contributions, plus another $1,260 collected by Joseph Barkey. “Shareholders” included families with the names Nighswander, Diller, Wideman, Houser, Reesor, Burkholder, Culp, and Smith.

Over the next years, Grove received remittances from these specific Russländer families through the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization—with a very few accounts not settled until after the Great Depression towards the end of World War II. Most families had paid in full, but collection was difficult from a few:


"January 21, 1929
. Dear Brother Grove: … With regard to the other notes that have not yet been paid, we may say that in some cases our immigrants have had a very hard start and they have not been able to make any payments, although they are very anxious to repay their loans. Last year’s crops looked very promising but, as you know, the early frost did a great damage, so that in many places in Saskatchewan and Alberta the crops turned out very poor. In many instances the people will hardly have enough to get through the winter with their families. In general we may say that our immigrants are willing to pay and we are sure that they will do their best. If they had one good crop, they would try to repay their loans as far as possible. We trust you understand the position of the people. We on our part will do all we can to collect the outstanding monies as soon as possible. Yours very truly, Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization."

The stories of these encounters in the Markham area have largely been lost. The Stouffville Tribune offers only a few episodes.

“Mr. and Mrs. Chas. Hoover, Mr. and Mrs. Doner with some of the Russian friends attended the service at Dixon Hill on Sunday” (October 30, 1924, note 10).

“Rev. P. Nachtegal [sic] will preach to the Russian people in this section in their own language next Sunday in the church at Dixon Hill. Service is at three o’clock” (November 6, 1924; note 11).

“Gormley: … Ed. Leary who had a 15 acre patch of potatoes, purchased a new International digger, and engaged a number of Russians, and took?” up his potatoes at the rate of 200 bags a day” (November 13, note 12)

“Ninth Line Markham: … Mr. R. Johnson has rented his house vacated by Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds a couple of weeks ago to some Russians” (December 4, 1924, note 13).

After a “winter internship” in the Markham area, the paper gives a few glimpses of the way in which Russian Mennonites left for western Canada.

“A packed house greeted the Russian Mennonites on Sunday evening of last week at the Mount Joy Mennonite church, when Rev. A. Nightingale (Nachtigall) preached an impressive sermon. The service was interspersed with a number of musical selections by the Russian singers, which were greatly appreciated. An address of appreciation, written by Rev. Nightingale and translated into English, was read by Rev. W. H. Yates, the pastor. The Russians which include several families, left this week to settle in southern Manitoba, where they are being provided with land and equipment.” (March 19, 1925, Note 14)

Not only did they have a minister in their group in Markham, but the group also had a number of formerly wealthy estate owners and farmers who were not afraid of a larger land purchases.

“Farm Deal of Some Magnitude: Last week Mr. Isaac Pike of Bethesda, took several of the Russian families from this locality to Markham, where the main body of them entrained for Western Canada to take up farm lands. Seven families from this section have undertaken what looks like a gigantic task and to some of the local Mennonites it looks almost like an impossibility. These families have banded together and purchased 2800 acres of land south of Winnipeg, at $40 per acre, totalling $112,000 which also includes the stock on the place, consisting of 60 cattle (some only yearlings) forty horses one tractor, one threshing outfit, sufficient implements, and all necessary seed grain for this spring planting. There is on the property four barns and four houses. As there was no initial payment, the interest charges alone will exceed $6000 the first year. It is said that these families are willing workers, but even then their financial obligation is so great that only a bumper crop would put them away to anything like a fair start this year. However, we all wish them well, and it can be said of them that if it is a possible undertaking at all, these are the people to make it go." (March 26, 1925, Note 15)

The Markham area Mennonite congregations were not large; in 1925 Almira Mennonite Meeting House had 95 members, Reesor Mennonite Meeting House had 95, Cedar Grove had 25 and Wideman 107 members (note 16).

The financial records above give evidence of a broader, common ethos of trust, hospitality, generosity and commitment to support co-religionists fleeing oppression.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: List of those Mennonites who disembarked at Quebec City, September 26, 1924, https://www.grandmaonline.org/GMOL-7/searches/gmShipSearch.asp?shipName=S.%20S.%20Melita&shipDate=26%20September,%201924). Cherrywood Station (pic), demolished 1964, https://www.trha.ca/trha/history/stations/cherrywood-station/; Locust Hill (pic), original station destroyed by fire in 1935, https://www.trha.ca/trha/history/stations/locust-hill-station/.

Note 2: On the beginnings of the immigration movement, see previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/immigration-to-canada-1923-background.html. See also the “Relief Notes” published regularly on Russia throughout 1924 and 1925 in the denominational paper, Gospel Heraldhttps://archive.org/details/gospelherald192417kauf/page/42/mode/2up?q=russia

Note 3: “5000 Mennonites will come to Canada this Summer,” Stouffville Tribune, April 24, 1924, p. 1, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98321/page/363541?q=russia.

Note 4: On Order in Council, see Peter H. Rempel, “Mennonite Cooperation and Promises to Government in the Repeal on Mennonite Immigration to Canada 1919–1922,” Mennonite Historian 19, no. 1 (March 1993), 7, https://www.mennonitehistorian.ca/19.1.MHMar93.pdf.

Note 5: “5000 Mennonites will come to Canada this Summer.”

Note 6: Cf. Isaac Horst, “Colonization in the 1870s,” Ontario Mennonite History 16, no. 2 (October 1998), 19–23; 20f., https://www.mhso.org/sites/default/files/publications/Ontmennohistory16-2.pdf.

Note 7: Cf. Sam J. Steiner, In Search of Promised Lands (Kitchener, ON: Herald Press, 2015), ch. 4. The 1921 Canadian census tracked religion and the Stouffville Tribune reported that “[t]he Mennonites, including the Hutterites, are among the religious sects which are more than holding their own in Canada. There were 31,797 of this belief according to the census of 1901 in Canada. This had increased to 44,611 in 1911 and to 58,797 in the next decade” (Stouffville Tribune, April 9, 1925, p. 1, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98368/page/363967?q=mennonites).

Note 8: See H. H. Ewert to Wilhelm J. Ewert, May 18, 1923, letter, from Mennonite Library and Archives-Bethel College, MS 6, folder “General Correspondence 1923, January to June,”   https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_6/026%20General%20correspondence%201923%20January-June/140.jpg.

Note 9: S. Hallmann, “Mennonite Immigration to Canada from Russia,” Gospel Herald 17, no. 2 (April 10, 1924), 42, https://archive.org/details/gospelherald192417kauf/page/42/mode/2up?q=russia. See also explanation by the CMBC executive board, Mennonitische Rundschau 48, no. 3 (January 21, 1925), 10, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-01-21_48_3/page/10/mode/1up. See also Frank H. Epp, Mennonites in Canada, 1920–1940: A People’s Struggle for Survival (Toronto: MacMillan, 1982), https://uwaterloo.ca/grebel/sites/ca.grebel/files/uploads/files/mic_iir_0.pdf. For the entire "exodus" story, see Epp's masterful Mennonite Exodus (Altona, MB: Friesen, 1962).

Note 10: Stouffville Tribune, October 30, 1924, p. 8, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98346/page/363776?q=russian.

Note 11: Stouffville Tribune, November 6, 1924, p. 1, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98347/page/363778?q=russian.

Note 12: Stouffville Tribune, November 13, 1924, p. 1, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98348/page/363787?q=russian.

Note 13: Stouffville Tribune, December 4, 1924, p. 4, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98350/page/363808?q=russian.

Note 14: Stouffville Tribune, March 19, 1925, p. 1, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98365/page/363940?q=russians. Johann Dick spent the first winter in Markham (see obituary for Johann P. Dick, d. 1952, in Mennonitische Rundschau 75, no. 30 [July 23, 1952], 1, https://archive.org/details/diemennonitischerundschau_1952-07-23_75_30/mode/2up); Gerhard Klassen spent three years with Markham Mennonites (see GRanDMA profile, #41289); Gerhard Dyck and family remained in the Markham area permanently.

Note 15: Stouffville Tribune, March 26, 1925, p. 1, https://news.ourontario.ca/WhitchurchStouffville/98366/page/363949?q=mennonites.

Note 16: 1925 membership statistics are given in respective GAMEO.org articles. For leadership in these congregations, cf. Mennonite Year-Book and Directory (Scottdale, PA: Mennonite Publishing House); 1924, https://archive.org/details/mennoniteyearboo15unse_0/;1925,  https://archive.org/details/mennoniteyearboo16unse_0/.

---

Some of the Russian Mennonite families who were first received at the Cherrywood or Locust Hill Stations include the following:

Dyck, Anna (Kliewer) (b. 1873, #1024484) and family of Kleefeld, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0999a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0999b.jpg.

Dyck, Helene (Woelk) (b. 1884, #208670) and family of Eichenfeld (left after massacre, 1919), arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924. First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1499a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1499b.jpg.

Dyck (Dick/Dueck), Johann Peter (d. 1889, #426853) and family of Ohrloff, Molotschna; arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Locust Hill, ON,  https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0992a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0992b.jpg.

Epp, Johann (b. 1874, #755600) and family of Altenau, Molotschna; arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Locust Hill, ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0998a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0998b.jpg.

Käthler, Wilhelm Peter (b. 1893, #151629), and family of Liebenau, Molotschna; arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1498a.jpg, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1498b.jpg.

Klassen, Gerhard (b. 1862, #41289), and family of Davidsfeld, arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Locust Hill (Markham), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0990a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0990b.jpg; https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-01-14_48_2/page/18/mode/2up?q=locust.

Klassen, David (b. 1888, #53447) with family, of Ohrloff, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, August 8, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Locust Hill, ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1100s/cmboc1127a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1100s/cmboc1127b.jpg; Family no. 290, Mennonitische Rundschau, January 28, 1925, “Beilage,” https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-01-28_48_4/page/17/mode/1up.

Krause, Jacob Heinrich (b. 1869, #419412), and family of Hochfeld (left August 31 via Chortitza), arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1500s/cmboc1503a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1500s/cmboc1503b.jpg.

Loewen, Bernhard Aron (b. 1888, #1029049) and family of Kleefeld, Molotschna, landed at Quebec City, October 10, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Locust Hill (Markham), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1600s/cmboc1678a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1600s/cmboc1678b.jpg.

Nachtigal, Abraham Peter (b. 1866, #405647) and family of Alexanderkrone, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1496a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1496b.jpg.

Neufeld, Kornelius Peter (b. 1874, #100788) and family of Fürstenwerder, Molotschna, arrived at St. John, January 25, 1925 (credit not indicated). First location in Canada: Cherrywood, ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1700s/cmboc1788a.jpg;  https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1700s/cmboc1788b.jpg; https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-03-04_48_9/page/18/mode/2up?q=cherrywood.

Penner, Helena (Kornelsen) (b. 1888, #683543) and family, of Tiegenhagen, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924. First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1488a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1488b.jpg.

Penner, Peter Jakob (b. 1898, #1021574) and family of Rückenau, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1480a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1480b.jpg.

Petker, David (b. 1882, #68552) and family of Lichtfelde, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1489a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1489b.jpg

Reimer, Agnes (Klassen) (b. 1871, #42048), and family of Davidfeld (estate), arrived at Quebec City, August 29, 1924 (did not travel by contract). First location in Canada: Waterloo, ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1700s/cmboc1762a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1700s/cmboc1762b.jpg.

Rempel, Wilhelm (b. 1866; #144888) and family of Lichtfeld, Molotschna; arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (contract: not indicated). First location in Canada: Locust Hill, ON (Ringwood), https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1000s/cmboc1079a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1000s/cmboc1079b.jpg; (family 243) https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-01-14_48_2/page/20/mode/2up.

Rogalsky, Johann (b. 1888, #149534) and family of Rudnerweide, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0996a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0900s/cmboc0996b.jpg;

Sudermann, Wilhelm (b. 1887, #357436) and family of Halbstadt, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1485a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1485b.jpg.

Sukkau, Heinrich (b. 1877, #478991) and family of Rückenau, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1494a.jpg;  https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1494b.jpg.

Warkentin, Jakob, (b. 1866, #1014237), Tiegenhagen, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, September 26, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Cherrywood (Pickering), ON, https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1486a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1400s/cmboc1486b.jpg.

The following family is listed in Grove’s accounts, but has not yet not been positively identified.

Wall, Johann.

The following two families are not listed in Grove’s accounts, but are listed as living in Markham-Stouffville in the Mennonitische Rundschau’s lists of 1924 immigrants:

Wiens, Jakob (#407933, 1887) with family, from Tiege, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Waterloo (cf. CMBC forms) and (later 1924) Stouffville (cf. MR, family #13), https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0800s/cmboc0848a.jpg; https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/0800s/cmboc0848b.jpg. List of 1924 immigrants to Canada, Mennonitische Rundschau, January 14, 1925, “Beilage,” family no. 13, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-01-14_48_2/page/16/mode/2up.

Klassen, David (b. 1903, #693901) with two brothers, of Halbstadt, Molotschna, arrived at Quebec City, July 17, 1924 (travelled by contract). First location in Canada: Waterloo (CMBC) and (later 1924?) Markham (cf. MR, family #206), https://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1000s/cmboc1042a.jpghttps://www.mharchives.ca/holdings/organizations/CMBoC_Forms/1000s/cmboc1042b.jpg. List of 1924 immigrants to Canada, Mennonitische Rundschau, January 14, 1925, “Beilage,” family no. 206, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1925-01-14_48_2/page/16/mode/2up.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

The Beginnings: Some Basics

The sixteenth-century ancestors of Russian Mennonites were largely Anabaptists from the Low Countries. Because their new vision of church called for voluntary membership marked by adult baptism upon confession of faith, they became one of the most persecuted groups of the Protestant Reformation ( note 1 ). For a millennium re-baptism ( a na -baptism) had been considered a heresy punishable by death ( note 2 ), and again in 1529 the Imperial Diet of Speyer called for the “brutal” punishment for those who did not recognize infant baptism. Many of the earliest Anabaptist cells were found in Belgium and The Netherlands--part of the larger Habsburg Empire ruled after 1555 by “the Most Catholic of Kings,” Philip II of Spain. The North Sea port cities of the Low Countries had some limited freedoms and were places for both commercial and cultural exchange; ships arrived daily not only from other Hanseatic League like Danzig, but also from Florence, Venice and Genoa, the Americas and the Far Ea...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

A Mennonite Pandemic Spirituality, 1830-1831

Asiatic Cholera broke out across Russia in 1829 and ‘30, and further into Europe in 1831. It began with an infected battalion in Orenburg ( note 1 ), and by early Fall 1830 the disease had reached Moscow and the capital. Russia imposed drastic quarantine measures. Much like today, infected regions were cut off and domestic trade was restricted. The disease reached the Molotschna River district in Fall 1830, and by mid-December hundreds of Nogai deaths were recorded in the villages adjacent to the Mennonite colony, leading state authorities to impose a strict quarantine. When the Mennonite Johann Cornies—a state-appointed agricultural supervisor and civic leader—first became aware of the nearby cholera-related deaths, he recommended to the Mennonite District Office on December 6, 1830 to stop traffic and prevent random contacts with Nogai. For Cornies it was important that the Mennonite community do all it can keep from carrying the disease into the community, though “only God knows...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...