Skip to main content

Agitation, Propaganda and Strategies of Survival, 1925

By the end of 1924 Mennonite Central Committee’s food kitchens and feeding operations in the Soviet Union were wrapping up, and the possibilities for mass migration had opened. Refugees had come to the Molotschna settlement from surrounding estates and from villages in the North Caucasus region—now “scattered in various Dorfs (villages), but not equally well received by all Dorfs” (note 1); these were amongst the first chosen for emigration.

In this still new reality there were signs that the community was caught up in a spiritual renewal—noted with special concern in a 1925 “Agitation and Propaganda Department Report.”

“During the last six months [ca. November 1924 to April 1925] the work of Mennonite missionaries and ministers has increased. They agitate for strengthening Mennonite religion and at the same time agitate for emigration. Religious activity in Mennonite colonies is developing without restraint because no proper attention was given to its study.” (Note 2)

Early in 1925, for example, the Chortitza Mennonite Church with some 3,000 to 3,500 members and adherents agreed on a survival strategy of more frequent gathering, teaching, singing and more consistent church discipline, including the ban for those who marry outside the faith:

“The Brotherhood agrees that in order to elevate the ethical and moral condition of our congregation, it is of great importance that, in addition to the usual weekly Sunday worship services, evening worship services as well as regular Bible studies must be instituted. The teaching with the catechumens should start right at the beginning of the church year. Congregational singing is to be enhanced by the choirs, for which our adolescent youth should be engaged. … The Brotherhood also agrees that in recent years congregational discipline has been much too weak, and finds it to be urgently necessary to raise the awareness of congregational discipline … . Every Mennonite must appreciate and value his membership more in the community. On intermarriage, the Brotherhood agrees that this question has been unequivocally decided in our confession [i.e., negative]. … Baptized members who live in civilly sanctioned marriage [only] are also excluded from the community.” (Note 3)

Teachers were increasingly required to be spokespersons for the history and themes of the Revolution. In the same months a clear message was issued to the German villages:

“Teachers must participate actively in social life. They must organize reading halls in the villages, they must strive to acquire books and [Soviet] newspapers—published in German, so that farmers can understand them--especially now, for reading in the winter evenings. They must hold lectures and discussions at least twice a week on all questions that interest the farmers." (Note 4)

Not surprisingly, in Summer 1925 alone some twenty-six Molotschna teachers left for Canada, mostly from the Gnadenfeld district; those who stayed quite to farm (note 5).

In September 1925 as preparations were underway for the eighth anniversary celebrations of the October Revolution, regional Soviet leaders noted the unique difficulty of differentiating “the classes”—i.e., raising class consciousness and the associated class struggle—among the Mennonites. Authorities assessed that this was due to their generally “higher cultural level” and the “high prosperity of poor and middle groups of Mennonite peasantry comparing to respective groups of Ukrainian villages” (note 6).

While the GPU (secret police) and the Agitation and Propaganda Department had some concern about German Lutheran and Catholic clergy in the mid-1920s, they were clearly most concerned, perplexed and frustrated with the Mennonite situation: their “religious caste fanaticism,” isolation, and deeply rooted religious habits, their stubborn unreceptiveness and negative attitude toward Soviet initiatives, directives and “boycotts” of those who join the Poor Peasants Committee, the Lenin Young Communist League or other Soviet organizations; and their dogged commitment to each other—even internationally (note 7).

Village anniversary celebrations for the October Revolution on November 7 (New Style) were non-negotiable and related activities were prescribed in the greatest detail (note 8). The following instructions were distributed to German villages in the Landau Rayon.

By November 5, all yards and streets must be cleaned and swept.

On November 6, evening, a joint solemn public meeting of the village council and all organizations must be convened with reports on the political and economic achievements of the Soviet government, and on the significance of the October Revolution. All public buildings as well as private houses must be decorated with flags.

On November 7, the anniversary of the October Revolution, there must be an unconditional general work stoppage.

At 9 a.m., the youth comrades and military conscripts will march through the village on decorated horses and with caricatures of the leading imperialist rulers on their wagons and with music in the following order: Pioneers, Komsomol, party members, military conscripts and Red Army soldiers (?), women's organizations, professional associations, village council, KNS, (K)?, representatives of the cooperative and the school. Each group will give their welcoming speeches before marching off to the demonstration procession.

At 10 a.m., children must appear at the schools, where teachers must explain the significance of the day. Schools will be closed for classes.

At 11 a.m., all organizations and institutions must gather in front of the village council building, where a report on the history of the October Revolution will be held.

At 12 p.m., the parade will start to march through the village.

The afternoon will be filled with games, sports, and children's dances, etc.

In the evening, free theatrical performances, declamations, songs, and concerts are to be given, in which revolutionary memories are to be woven in.

All schools, reading halls, theaters, village councils, etc., must be decorated with posters, red flags and slogans, and must be open on this day."

These instructions help to reconstruct the atmosphere of German and Mennonite village life in 1925, and the systematic attempts by Ukraine’s Communist Party to compel Mennonite participation in new political “liturgies,” and to form—especially children and youth—for the Soviet socialist citizenship.

A few days after this celebration of the October Revolution in November 1925, the Central Bureau of the German Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Ukraine met and discussed again the Mennonite problem. It suggests that Mennonite enthusiasm for the celebrations were more muted than expected.

The Central Bureau resolved to implement more “intensive and systematic work" and political education among "rank-and-file" Mennonites at the village level, in hopes that peasants “from the plow” would gradually be drawn into the party, who would then “carry out the reorganization and thereby liberate themselves from the harmful influence of the [Mennonite] Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage” (note 9).  

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast



---Notes---

Pic: The poster is for the larger Ten Year Anniversary, from Das Neue Dorfhttps://martin-opitz-bibliothek.de/de/elektronischer-lesesaal?action=book&bookId=via000389.

Note 1: Example of Schönfeld refugees, in Christian E. Krehbiel’s Journal, May 30, 1922. From Mennonite Library and Archives-Bethel College, MS 11, transcribed by Ruth Unrau. https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_11/.

Note 2: “Report by the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine regarding issues in German colonies, Late April-early May 1925,” in John B. Toews and Paul Toews, Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine (1922–1927): Mennonite and Soviet Documents, translated by J. B. Toews, O. Shmakina, and W. Regehr (Fresno, CA: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 2011), 270, https://archive.org/details/unionofcitizenso0000unse. Cf. also “Extract from draft decree of Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine regarding work among the national minorities in Ukraine, January 1927,” in ibid., 329–330.

Note 3: “Protokoll der allgemeinen Bruderschaft der Chortitzer Mennoniten Gemeinde, January 2, 1925.” David G. Rempel Papers, Box 1, File 16. From Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto. Toronto, ON.

Note 4: "Aufgaben der deutschen Dorfräten," Hammer und Pflug (Organ für die deutschen Kolonisten der Ukraina, Krim und Kaukasiens) 4, no. 39 (January 10, 1925), 1, https://martin-opitz-bibliothek.de/de/elektronischer-lesesaal?action=book&bookId=via000321#lg=1&slide=0.

Note 5: Der Praktische Landwirt 1, no. 7 (December 1925), 12, https://chortitza.org/Pis/PL25_7.pdf.

Note 6: In other reports, Mennonite Union leaders are accused of pursuing a “policy of concealing class contradictions,” and impeding “class stratification” under the “banner of equality and brotherhood inside the community.” Cf. the Report and Conclusions of the “Central Bureau of the German Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine about the Ekaterinoslav Secret Inspection of the Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage, September 1925,” in Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine, 300–303.

Note 7: Cf. the full report of the commission in ibid., 270. The edited volume includes scores of newly translated, Russian language Soviet reports, surveys, and committee minutes.

Note 8: "Plan zur Durchführung des achtjährigen Jubiläums der Oktoberrevolution, den 7/XI, 1925," USSR Landauer Rayons-Vollzugskomitee, Nikolajewer Kreis, Odessaer Gouvernement, from Martin-Opitz Bibliothek elektronischer Lesesaal. There are two iterations of the instructions; the above is a composite of https://martin-opitz-bibliothek.de/de/elektronischer-lesesaal?action=book&bookId=via000116 AND https://martin-opitz-bibliothek.de/de/elektronischer-lesesaal?action=book&bookId=via000108#lg=1&slide=0

Note 9: “Minutes of a joint session of the Central Bureau of the German Section of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine with German sections of okrug committees about work with Mennonites November 10–12, 1925,” in Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine (1922–1927): Mennonite and Soviet Documents, translated by J. B. Toews, O. Shmakina, and W. Regehr (Fresno, CA: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 2011), 318-324, https://archive.org/details/unionofcitizenso0000unse. On the Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine, see previous post: https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/1921-formation-of-union-of-citizens-of.html.


Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Polish-Prussia? Royal Prussia? West Prussia? Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth? Notes for Clarification

The historical jurisdictions, names and political powers under which Mennonites lived since their arrival in lands that are today Poland are difficult to keep straight. However they are important for telling the story right. This post simply provides some notes for orientation with reference to the late sixteenth-century map below. Polish- or Royal Prussia comes into being with the defeat of Teutonic Knights by the Polish Crown in 1466. See the pink-shaded area of the map below. Ducal Prussia is a fiefdom of the Kingdom of Poland after 1525 (see stiped on map). In 1618, this duchy (voivodeship) is inherited by Hohenzollerns of Brandenburg, who separated it from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1657. After 1701, the Elector of Brandenburg is the “King of Prussia” when in that territory. With the First Partition of Poland in 1772, it becomes East Prussia . By 1569 Polish- or Royal Prussia was fully integrated into Kingdom of Poland and part of the larger Polish-Lithuanian...

Jews and Mennonites Together in Danzig's Suburbs

There has been very little reflection on the relationship of Jews and Mennonites in the suburb of Schottland (or Alt-Schottland or Stare Szkoty) where Mennonites first settled in the mid-1500s. Here Mennonites and Jews lived in the small community together for two centuries, quite literally on the margins outside the gates of the city of Danzig. Many historic maps that include Alt Schottland have become available in recent years ( note 1; pic ). H.G. Mannhardt’s book on the Danzig Mennonite church community plus some archival membership lists are our best sources for the Mennonite experience, while illustrations from the day bring many of those episodes of prosperity, repressions, war, plague, emigration, flooding etc. in an urban environment to life ( note 2 ). Peter J. Klassen’s writings on Mennonites in Poland and Prussia also present newer research on Mennonite life in and around Danzig in helpful ways ( note 3 ). There is one small sentence in Klassen’s larger volume that sugg...

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

"They are useful to the state." An almost forgotten Prussian view of Mennonites, ca. 1780s-90s

In 1787 Mennonite interest for emigration was extremely strong outside the quasi independent City of Danzig in the Prussian annexed Marienwerder and Elbing regions. Even before the land scouts Johann Bartsch and Jacob Höppner had returned from Russia later that year, so many Mennonite exit applications had flooded offices that officials wrote Berlin in August 1787 for direction ( note 1a ). Initially officials did not see a problem: because Mennonites do not provide soldiers, the cantons lose nothing by their departure, and in fact benefit from the ten-percent tax imposed on financial assets leaving the state.  Ludwig von Baczko (1756-1823), Professor of History at the Artillery Academy in Königsberg, East Prussia, was the general editor of a series that included a travelogue through Prussia written by a certain Karl Ephraim Nanke. Nanke had no special love for Mennonites, but was generally balanced in his judgements and based his now almost forgotten account of Mennonites on perso...