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Molotschna “Philosopher of Anabaptism”? Heinrich Balzer, 1800-1846

Heinrich Balzer (1800-1846) has been called "the philosopher” of the Molotschna. In a unique 1833 treatise Balzer provided “a possible philosophical foundation for the Mennonite faith as it was developed by the early Swiss Brethren and Menno Simons," as assessed by Anabaptist historian Robert Friedman. Its 10 pages appear to be "entirely in the spirit of early Anabaptism"(note 1).

J. Denny Weaver—who like Friedmann is most at home with American Swiss Mennonite thought—summarized it as a “philosophical” argument for conservative Mennonitism and community maintenance (note 2).

Even James Urry, our best Russian Mennonite historian, does not strongly challenge this reading. Urry’s essay on Balzer however is important for understanding the social and religious world of the text in the 1820s and 1830s. Balzer’s distinctive contribution, according to Urry, 

“... was to add a new dimension built on reaction to post-Reformation developments in theology and secular philosophy which debated the role of reason in human affairs.” Urry points out Balzer’s “understanding of recent developments in ideas and their application to human affairs,” and concludes that Balzer was “an informed, intellectual conservative by choice, rather than a conservative holding onto perceived traditions out of ignorance or stubborn narrow mindedness.” (Note 3)

Balzer was reacting to friendly encouragement for educational reform by the state. In fact “by imperial decree” a model for church and school advancement penned by—and here is the problem—a liberal Mennonite in Germany, Abraham Hunzinger, was recommended to the colonists for consideration (note 4). Though written by a Mennonite, the book triggered Balzer’s hefty response (see post on Hunzinger’s booklet, note 5).

At this point Balzer was a 33-year-old lay minister. Born in 1800 he arrived to New Russia at about 19 with other Frisian Mennonites who together established the Molotschna Rudnerweide Church. His level of writing suggests he had experienced solid Prussian schooling; he also came from a line of ministers. In recent years he had lived close to the village of Ohrloff, where Johann Cornies’ lending library was accessible. Moreover Balzer could marshal scripture easily.

In his short treatise Balzer is sufficiently confident to spar with the enlightenment thinker Immanuel Kant, and his distinctions between Verstand and Vernunft (understanding and reason). Without explicitly naming his targets, Balzer lamented the fact that the “simple Word of God is too naked and too meagre for the intellectuals” and argued their “enlightenment of the head” has turned genuine evangelical faith into “an absurd superstition.” In contrast, it is the “Father of Light” and the Holy Spirit alone who give right wisdom and understanding, for salvation is beyond the limits of reason. First-century believers knew this and “intentionally fled” “worldly scholarship and philosophy,” as did Menno Simons, according to Balzer. They knew that “worldly honors, high repute, elated rank, and the pleasures of social life” were a “mere sham and smoke. The lowest rank in society seemed to them the fittest” (note 6). It is perhaps correct to call this a quasi philosophical—albeit conservative—piece.

There are, however, a few previously unnoticed and new puzzle pieces to consider.

First, P. M. Friesen’s Mennonite history notes that in 1832 Cornies’ secretary, Heinrich Heese, receipted Jakob Martens, a book-seller in the village of Tiegenhagen and later minister, for 100 copies of Return of our Lord, 5 copies of Heart of Man, and 10 copies of Passport of a Christian (note 7). Friesen records this detail merely to show off the pious letter penned by Heese.

From the recently published Cornies correspondence, we now know that in Fall 1826 a crate filled with 550 copies of these three titles and two others arrived in the Molotschna from State Counsellor Inspector and author Gottlieb Schuberth, a Lutheran friend in St. Petersburg—who had “a special preference” for Mennonites and who felt compelled to send the books “to promote [God’s] kingdom and His reception in all hearts” (note 8).

That in itself does not solve the mystery; but their contents do. The 1822 Leipziger Literarzeitung gives us a brief literature review and summary with excerpts on four titles (note 9). The reviewer notes that these volumes are "a faithful representation of the reigning religious mindset prevalent in many estates and classes in St. Petersburg."

Among other things, they are popular and pietistic reactions to a caricature of German Idealism. They are not Anabaptistic. A close reading shows that these volumes gave Balzer the religious language and categories to voice his moral outrage at “liberal” tendencies in the community, including the arrival of Hunzinger’s book.

For example, Schubeth's Messiasfreund (Friend of the Messiah, for Believers and Disciples of Jesus Christ: Christ our Wisdom; see note 10) includes an extended, popular critique of newer, enlightenment academic philosophy—including of the “crazy Kantians”—of university-based theology and exegesis, and of natural reason uninformed by revelation.

Balzer adopts Schuberth's account of “accommodation-systems,” and argues that “when men began to blend the simple teachings of the Gospel with all kinds of interpretations and expositions, and to match them with philosophical tenets, then they began to conform themselves to this world of all things.” Etc.

A second example is Das Herz des Menschen (The Heart of Man: The Temple of God or the Workshop of Satan; note 11). Balzer's piece shows great interest in the agency of the “Evil One” in human life (already in his second sentence of the treatise!), and this booklet is his inspiration. Though he never cites these sources, the dependence is obvious. The booklet seeks to revive and encourage the Christian on his/her walk.

Third, Reise-Paß eines Christen (Passport of a Christian; note 12) is a twenty-page booklet of poetry describing the pilgrim, disciple and servant of Christ, his character, stature and lifestyle. This too is a central concern of Balzer.

Fourth, Biblische Geschichten (note 13) is different and has little to contribute to Balzer's treatise specifically. It is a collection of selected biblical stories briefly paraphrased designed for schools in Baden, but rejected there because of Pietist criticism of the writing’s apparent rationalist assumptions. That does not seem obvious when reading the volume. For those who find reading the Bible too complicated, this reader helps, and it is easy to see why it was welcomed generally as Cornies' letter indicates.

Fifth, Wiederkunft unsers Herrn (The Return of our Lord, or a view toward the Flock to be gathered of the one Shepherd; note 14)—by the same press and likely same author as Messiasfreund, emphasizes the moral role of the disciple as representative of the Lord until his return (see also p. 1 of Balzer).

There is significant interest in the Molotschna for The Return of the Lord and its themes: the 1826 crate had 100 copies; 88 copies were sold by August 30, 1829 (note 15); and Friesen tells us that in 1832 Heese was shipping out another 100 copies!

We only have a summary of Return of the Lord (note 16), and it seems entirely consistent with Schuberth's warnings against the cold academic, enlightenment approach of many Christian writers in his day: for the writer, the culture of reason has overtaken the heart and over-stepped its limits—which is at the heart of Balzer's treatise.

Balzer, a philosopher of Anabaptism? We have two sermons by Balzer and his "Epic Poem" for reference (note 16). These make scant reference to Menno Simons; Dirk Philips, Pieter Pietersz, the Martyrs Mirror or other pillars of the tradition are never mentioned.

Friedmann is known for his criticisms of German Pietism and its history (in his view) of creeping into Anabaptist communities and distorting their spirituality (see note 17). Friedmann would have criticized the volumes above—yet he has nothing but praise for Balzer's "Anabaptist" treatise, knowing nothing about the influences behind it.

Because these volumes were in such wide circulation in the Molotschna, Balzer's contemporaries must have seen all of these connections; none of them comment on his unique brilliance or of an original rediscovery of Anabaptism. In Cornies' assessment, Balzer was a struggling thinker at best. Two years earlier Cornies wrote his Swiss missionary friend Schlatter that even Balzer has “settled down.” His “preaching is unctuous and fiery, but without much thought. He often speaks about you and admits his errors. He has not really agreed with [Teacher Tobias] Voth for some time (or perhaps the reverse). He no longer improvises as he preaches … [and is] now coherent. The upper Iushanle [River] area sleeps on” (note 18). Even if Balzer was not uniquely brilliant, the crate of books and Balzer’s treatise still offers a valuable glimpse into that Mennonite world and its debates.

             ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Heinrich Balzer, “Faith and Reason: The Principles of Mennonitism Reconsidered, in a Treatise of 1833,” translated and edited by Robert Friedmann, Mennonite Quarterly Review 22, no. 2 (1948), 75–93; 77. Republished in Delbert Plett, ed., The Golden Years (Steinbach: Self-published, 1985), 237-247, https://www.mharchives.ca/download/1216/.

Note 2: J. Denny Weaver, “Anabaptist Theology in Face of Modernity: Why Theology Matters,” Preservings 19 (2001), 3–18; see pp. 13-14, https://www.plettfoundation.org/preservings/archive/19/.

Note 3: James Urry, “Ohm Heinrich Balzer 1800–46, Tiege,” Preservings 24 (2004), 12–15; 14, https://www.plettfoundation.org/preservings/archive/24/.

Note 4: Abraham Hunzinger, Das Religions-, Kirchen- und Schulwesen der Mennoniten oder Taufgesinnten (Speyer: Kob’schen, 1830), https://books.google.ca/books?id=5ENBAAAAcAAJ&printsec=. See also Balzer’s “Epistle to the Aeltesten, 1833” (and pic), warning readers of the Hunzinger volume, in Plett, Golden Years¸ 218–220.

Note 5: See previous post on Molotschna reception of Hunzinger, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/01/ideas-for-educational-reform-1832.html. 

Note 6: Balzer, “Faith and Reason,” 83-91. NB: Kant does not appear in the Cornies’ lending library; on the library and list of volumes, see (...forthcoming).

Note 7: Peter M. Friesen, Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 699, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/page/n735.

Note 8: Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 1, trans. and ed. Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2015), 92.

Note 9: See review in Leipziger Literaturzeitung 129 (May 1822), 1027-29, https://books.google.ca/books?id=rdXSK8vg7JoC&pg=PA1027#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 10: Gottlieb H. Schuberth, Messiasfreund. Für die Bekenner und Nachfolger Jesu Christi (St. Petersburg, 1818), https://www.google.ca/books/edition/Der_Messiasfreund_etc/PfNhAAAAcAAJ?hl.

Note 11: Johannes Gossner, Das Herz des Menschen: ein Tempel Gottes oder eine Werkstätte des Satans, in zehn Figuren sinnbildlich dargestellt, 2nd ed. (Augsburg, 1813), https://books.google.ca/books?id=ijpMAAAAYAAJ&.

Note 12: Reise-Paß eines Christen (St. Petersburg: Iversen, 1821), 20 pp. See Leipziger Literaturzeitung, part 1 (1822), col. 1029, https://books.google.ca/books?id=arRFAAAAcAAJ&newbks=; also, Der Gesellschafter oder Blätter für Geist und Herz: ein Volksblatt, vol. 6 (December 1822), 218, https://books.google.ca/books?id=7FVEAAAAcAAJ&newbks.

Note 13: Johann P. Hebels, Biblische Geschichten (Stuttgart: Cotta’schen, 1824), https://books.google.ca/books?id=DHlHAAAAIAAJ&.

Note 14: Wiederkunft unsers Herrn, oder Ein Blick auf die zu sammelnde Heerde des einen Hirten (St. Petersburg: Gräff /Iversen, 1820).

Note 15: “No. 181, Tobias Voth to Johann Cornies, 30 August 1829,” in Cornies, Transformation I, 181.

Note 16: See Leipziger Literaturzeitung above.

Note 17: See Balzer, "Epic Poem," in Leaders of the Mennonite Kleine Gemeinde in Russia, 1812–1874, ed. D. Plett, 295–353 (Steinbach, MB: Crossway, 1993), https://www.mharchives.ca/download/1261/.

Note 18: Cf. Robert Friedmann, Mennonite Piety Through the Centuries (Goshen, IN: Mennonite Historical Society, 1949), https://archive.org/details/mennonitepietyth0000frie.

Note 19: Cornies, Letter March 12, 1830, Transformation, vol. 1.




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