Skip to main content

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar (note 1). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia (note 2). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city (note 3), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city (note 4). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life:

“Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sleeping two of three to a bed, sharing towels, eating from one bowl. As a result, contagious diseases were easily spread either by direct contact between individuals via the respiratory system, or by use of the same utensils, or transferred by insects such as fleas and lice. Venereal diseases spread rapidly mainly because of the influx to Danzig of large numbers of single men. The coastal climate of the city — cold and damp — as well as the insufficient heating and the use of cellars for housing the poor, resulted in a high frequency of rheumatic and pulmonary ailments.” (Note 5)

According to the Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence, the 1602 plague in Danzig killed 19,000 (note 6). In 1653, the city recorded some 600 weekly plague deaths for a time, with 11,116 deaths over the year. Four years later during the Swedish War, another 7,569 Danzigers died of the plague, compared to 2,569 births. And again in 1660, some 5,515 died of the plague, compared to 1,916 births in the city (note 7). Danzig’s hospitals at this time included infirmaries--the Pestilence Hospital, a Smallpox Hospital and Lazaretto or quarantine /isolation hospital (see pic; note 8).

We do not know how this series of plagues beginning in 1653 impacted the Mennonite community. But after a natural disaster caused dams to break and the lands to flood in 1667, a powerful government official for Pomerelia (near Danzig) argued that God was now punishing Poland and Danzig for its tolerance of Anabaptists. The official found broad support among the nobles in parliament for a plan to deport all Mennonites—which fortunately did not come to pass (note 9).

Danzig’s worst plague however hit in 1709 (note 10); Danzig saw about 2,000 such deaths per week in September and October. The city even paid for two extra chaplains in 1709 as "Pestprediger" who would visit the sick and conduct funerals for the poor. Total plague deaths that year: 14,533 persons. Pic 2 gives a sad glimpse of the societal breakdown in Danzig.

According to the Danzig Flemish Mennonite Church record of deaths, there were 15 deaths in 1707, 17 in 1708, an astonishing 409 deaths in 1709, and then down to 9 in 1710 (note 11). Not including unbaptized children, the Danzig Flemish Mennonites recorded 13 deaths on Sept. 18, 19, 20, 1709 alone (more than an average year; see pic 3). Elder Christof Engmann had died on September 9 together with five other congregational members. Visiting the sick was part of his call. On the final page of the death register completed a century later, the elder wrote: “There have never been as many deaths as during the plague of 1709.”

How was the Mennonite community prepared to deal with such calamities? How did events like these shape the spirituality of the tradition?

The 1709 plague led to a new "tradition" in the Mennonite church in Danzig: “to leave behind bequests for the care of the congregation's poor,” and to organize for their burial. This continued for the next two centuries, according to a later elder (note 12). Both the Frisian and Flemish Mennonites had church buildings immediately outside the city gates (Neugartener Gate and Petershagener Gate respectively), and each also had its own poor house/ hospice under the direction of deacons (note 13). Congregational families reorganized after the death of spouses. In the ten years before the plague, the Danzig Flemish Mennonite Church celebrated on average 13.8 marriages per year; in 1710 they had 42 marriages and 24 in 1711 (see note 11).

A medical report in 1710 records with confidence that the plague came via Thorn, an area further south where Mennonites too had lived since 1586 (note 14).

This 1710 report concludes with formulas for pharmacies, as well as a list of "Dos-and-Don'ts" (see pic). The Danzig doctor warns against buying gimmick cures from drifters or market-criers. He notes too that those who visited many people and also alcoholics were the first to die; particularly harmful was the consumption of "Brandwein," which Mennonites also brewed. "All stench and uncleanliness are very harmful," as well. But the good doctor also adds that staying calm and trusting God is a "great medicine" and recommended to all (note 15).

                ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: This material was written largely in May 2020—after almost two months of “lock-down” because of the global COVID pandemic. A first part was posted in a Mennonite history Facebook Group in May 2, 2020, https://www.facebook.com/groups/MennoniteGenealogyHistory/permalink/3162624093771606/; this was followed by a second part on May 23, 2020, https://www.facebook.com/groups/MennoniteGenealogyHistory/posts/3219394624761219/). A public piece was posted in August in both English and German to address conservative Mennonites (https://trailsofthepast.com/2020/08/07/mennonitesepidemics/). Later in 2020 others began to write about the plagues in Danzig, including Glenn H. Penner, “The Great Plague of 1709,” Preservings 41 (2020), 43-46, https://www.plettfoundation.org/preservings/archive/41, and Kat Hill, “Death and Dreams in a Time of Plague,” Anabaptist Historians, posted October 1, 2020, https://anabaptisthistorians.org/2020/10/01/death-and-dreams-in-a-time-of-plague/.

Note 2: Cornelius Krahn, Dutch Anabaptism: Origin, Spread, Life and Thought, 1450–1600 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1968), 219f., https://archive.org/details/dutchanabaptismo00krah.

Note 3: Maria Bogucka, “Danzig an der Wende zur Neuzeit: Von der aktiven Handelsstadt zum Stapel und Produktionszentrum,” Hansische Geschichtsblätter 102 (1984), 91f., https://www.hansischergeschichtsverein.de/file/hgbll_102_1984.pdf.

Note 4: Cf. Maria Bogucka, “Danzig an der Wende zur Neuzeit,” 95.

Note 5: Maria Bogucka, “Health care and poor relief in Danzig (Gdansk): The sixteenth- and first half of the seventeenth century,” in Health care and poor relief in Protestant Europe, 1500–1700, edited by Ole Peter Grell and Andrew Cunningham, 204–219 (New York: Routledge, 1997), 211, https://archive.org/details/healthcarepoorre0000unse/page/204/.  

Note 6: Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence: From Ancient Times to the Present, 3rd ed., edited by George C. Kohn (New York: Infobase, 2007), 87f. https://books.google.ca/books?id=tzRwRmb09rgC&lpg=PA88&vq=DANZIG&dq=danzig%20epidemic%201653&pg=PA87#v=onepage&q&f=false

Note 7: Reinhold Curicken, Stadt Dantzig: Historische Beschreibung (Amsterdam/ Dantzigk: Janssons, 1687), bk. 3, ch. 31. https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10805961_00011.html.

Note 8: Bogucka, “Health care and poor relief in Danzig (Gdansk),” 211, 206.

Note 9: Anna Brons, Ursprung, Entwickelung und Schicksale der Taufgesinnten oder Mennoniten in kurzen Zügen (Norden, 1884), 258f. https://books.google.ca/books?id=BzU_AAAAYAAJ&pg=PR1#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 10 / Pic 1: See Danzig’s weekly plague deaths on pic 1 below (far right column), from Johannes Kanold ed., Einiger Medicorum Send-Schreiben, von der An. 1708 in Preussen, und An. 1709 in Dantzig ... graßireten Pestilentz (Breßlau: Fellgiebel, 1711), 48f. https://archive.org/details/b30545687/page/48/mode/2up.

Note 11: "Records of Prussian Mennonite Churches in the Vistula Delta: Births, Baptisms, Marriages and Deaths in the Danzig Church 1665-1943. Family Books 1 and 2 of the Danzig Mennonite Church." Transliterated and digitized by Ernest H. Baergen, http://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/prussia/Danzig_Records.htm.

Note 12: Hermann G. Mannhardt, Die Danziger Mennonitengemeinde. Ihre Entstehung und ihre Geschichte von 1569–1919 (Danzig, 1919), 87, https://archive.org/details/diedanzigermenno00mannuoft. More generally, cf. Peter J. Klassen, Mennonites in Early Modern Poland and Prussia (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins, 2009).

Note 13: Mannhardt, Danziger Mennonitengemeinde, 104-106.

Note 14: Manasse Stöckel, Anmerckungen, welche bey der Pest, die anno 1709 in Dantzig graßirte, beobachtet wurden (Hamburg, 1710), https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de//resolve/display/bsb10815757.html.

Note 15 / pic 4: Stöckel, Anmerckungen (last page; unnumbered).







  Print Friendly and PDF


Comments

  1. The attack against the ecclesiastical position of the Mennonites by the voivode of Pomerelia took place in 1676 and not in 1667 (see the note 9):

    https://books.google.ca/books?id=BzU_AAAAYAAJ&pg=258#v=twopage&q&f=false

    This can also be found in the "Eine polnische Starostei und ein preussischer Landrathskreis. Geschichte des Schwetzer Kreises 1466-1873", vol. 2 by Hans Maercker published in the magazine "Zeitschrift des Westpreussisschen Geschichtsvereins.", issue 17, Danzig, 1886, page 53:

    https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/Content/49705/PDF/Heft17.pdf

    ReplyDelete

Post a Comment

Popular posts from this blog

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 2 of 4 to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF In a few short months the American government will start to fulfill its campaign promises to round up and deport undocumented immigrants. The responsible cabinet members have already been appointed. By early Spring 2025, Mennonite pastors/leaders who supported Trump will need to speak to and address the matter in their congregations. It will be difficult to find words. How might they prepare? Sometimes a template from the past is helpful. To that end, I offer my summary of a text by retired Mennonite pastor and conference leader Gustav Kraemer. (There is a nice entry on him in the Mennonite Encyclopedia,  GAMEO ). My summary is faithful to the German original, 1938. With only a few minor changes, it could be useful for the coming year. Adaptations are mostly in square brackets, with the key at the bottom of the post. ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 3 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Mennonite endorsement Trump the man No one denies the moral flaws of Donald Trump, least of all Trump himself. In these next months Mennonite pastors who supported Trump will have many opportunities to restate to their congregation and their children why someone like Trump won their support. It may be obvious, but the words can be difficult to find. To help, I offer examples from Mennonite history with statements from one our strongest leaders of the past century, Prof. Benjamin H. Unruh (see the nice Mennonite Encyclopedia article on him, GAMEO ). I have substituted only a few words, indicated by square brackets to help with the adaptation. The [MAGA] movement is like the early Anabaptist movement!  In the change of government in 1933, Unruh saw in the [MAGA] movement “things breaking forth which our forefathe...

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and...

The Flight to Moscow 1929

In 1926, my grandfather’s sister Justina Fast (b. 1896) and her husband Peter Görzen moved from Krassikow, Neu Samara (Soviet Union) to village no. 5 Dejewka, Orenburg. “We thought we would live our lives here with our children secure in the hands of God. But the times were becoming turbulent,” Justina recalled. In May 1929 they travelled back to Krassikow for Pentecost to visit with her mother, brothers and their families. But when they returned to their home, she writes, “… a large quota of grain was demanded of us. But we had nothing, and the harvest was not yet in. Then we heard that many were planning to move to Canada, including my three siblings with my mother, and my husband's three sisters too. My husband decided to go to Moscow first to see if it was possible and what was required for emigration. We made the decision to leave when the harvest was complete. At that time so many people were leaving [for Moscow], and early in September we sold everything we had. Only the b...

Simple Refugee Wedding: My grandparents (1931)

My father was born less than a year after these 1931 wedding photos. Jacob Fast and Helen Janzen had been in Paraguay less than 8 months—see the MCC telegram—and tragedy had already struck both refugees families. Jacob’s first wife and a daughter became victims of the epidemic that ravaged the new colony of Fernheim in those first months. He was now a widower at age 39—with an infant and other children without a mother. Helene was single and 29 years old. Her mother too had died from the same epidemic; her father was partially crippled. They had come from southern Ukrainian community of Spat, Crimea; Fast was from Ural Mountains area in Russia where South Russian Mennonites had created a “daughter colony” a generation earlier.   Each had siblings who fled to Moscow in 1929 with them and who were accepted by Canada in 1930. My grandparents however were rejected—she was a single woman with frail parents; he was a man with an ill child. Perhaps in contexts like these the falli...

What does it cost to settle a Refugee? Basic without Medical Care (1930)

In January 1930, the Mennonite Central Committee was scrambling to get 3,885 Mennonites out of Germany and settled somewhere fast. These refugees had fled via Moscow in December 1929, and Germany was willing only to serve as first transit stop ( note 1 ). Canada was very reluctant to take any German-speaking Mennonites—the Great Depression had begun and a negative memory of war resistance still lingered. In the end Canada took 1,344 Mennonites and the USA took none born in Russia. Paraguay was the next best option ( note 2 ). The German government preferred Brazil, but Brazil would not guarantee freedom from military service, which was a problem for American Mennonite financiers. There were already some conservative "cousins" from Manitoba in Paraguay who had negotiated with the government and learned through trial and error how to survive in the "Green Hell" of the Paraguayan Chaco. MCC with the assistance of a German aid organization purchased and distribute...

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the ...

Creating a Spiritual Tradition: Nine Core Texts

Just before Mennonite immigration to Russia, Prussian leaders were feverishly translating the tradition from Dutch to German. In addition to the translations, a few other key pieces were also written and together these texts shaped the Russian Mennonite tradition. 1. In 1765 certain core writings of Menno Simons were selected, edited for brevity and focus, and translated into a first German edition by Johannes Deknatel ( note 1 ). 2. Hymnals: In 1780, Danzig Flemish Elder Hans van Steen with supporting ministers published (translated): A Spiritual Hymnal for General Edification, in which, besides David’s Psalms, a collection of specially selected old and new songs can be found . The Flemish had “always” worshiped in Dutch and as late as 1752 they had ordered 3,000 Dutch hymnals from Amsterdam. Two-thirds of the hymns in the Danzig hymnal were adopted from the Lutheran and Reformed tradition This was the second unique Mennonite hymnal in “the language of the land”; in 1767 Elbing an...