Skip to main content

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar (note 1). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia (note 2). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city (note 3), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city (note 4). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life:

“Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sleeping two of three to a bed, sharing towels, eating from one bowl. As a result, contagious diseases were easily spread either by direct contact between individuals via the respiratory system, or by use of the same utensils, or transferred by insects such as fleas and lice. Venereal diseases spread rapidly mainly because of the influx to Danzig of large numbers of single men. The coastal climate of the city — cold and damp — as well as the insufficient heating and the use of cellars for housing the poor, resulted in a high frequency of rheumatic and pulmonary ailments.” (Note 5)

According to the Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence, the 1602 plague in Danzig killed 19,000 (note 6). In 1653, the city recorded some 600 weekly plague deaths for a time, with 11,116 deaths over the year. Four years later during the Swedish War, another 7,569 Danzigers died of the plague, compared to 2,569 births. And again in 1660, some 5,515 died of the plague, compared to 1,916 births in the city (note 7). Danzig’s hospitals at this time included infirmaries--the Pestilence Hospital, a Smallpox Hospital and Lazaretto or quarantine /isolation hospital (see pic; note 8).

We do not know how this series of plagues beginning in 1653 impacted the Mennonite community. But after a natural disaster caused dams to break and the lands to flood in 1667, a powerful government official for Pomerelia (near Danzig) argued that God was now punishing Poland and Danzig for its tolerance of Anabaptists. The official found broad support among the nobles in parliament for a plan to deport all Mennonites—which fortunately did not come to pass (note 9).

Danzig’s worst plague however hit in 1709 (note 10); Danzig saw about 2,000 such deaths per week in September and October. The city even paid for two extra chaplains in 1709 as "Pestprediger" who would visit the sick and conduct funerals for the poor. Total plague deaths that year: 14,533 persons. Pic 2 gives a sad glimpse of the societal breakdown in Danzig.

According to the Danzig Flemish Mennonite Church record of deaths, there were 15 deaths in 1707, 17 in 1708, an astonishing 409 deaths in 1709, and then down to 9 in 1710 (note 11). Not including unbaptized children, the Danzig Flemish Mennonites recorded 13 deaths on Sept. 18, 19, 20, 1709 alone (more than an average year; see pic 3). Elder Christof Engmann had died on September 9 together with five other congregational members. Visiting the sick was part of his call. On the final page of the death register completed a century later, the elder wrote: “There have never been as many deaths as during the plague of 1709.”

How was the Mennonite community prepared to deal with such calamities? How did events like these shape the spirituality of the tradition?

The 1709 plague led to a new "tradition" in the Mennonite church in Danzig: “to leave behind bequests for the care of the congregation's poor,” and to organize for their burial. This continued for the next two centuries, according to a later elder (note 12). Both the Frisian and Flemish Mennonites had church buildings immediately outside the city gates (Neugartener Gate and Petershagener Gate respectively), and each also had its own poor house/ hospice under the direction of deacons (note 13). Congregational families reorganized after the death of spouses. In the ten years before the plague, the Danzig Flemish Mennonite Church celebrated on average 13.8 marriages per year; in 1710 they had 42 marriages and 24 in 1711 (see note 11).

A medical report in 1710 records with confidence that the plague came via Thorn, an area further south where Mennonites too had lived since 1586 (note 14).

This 1710 report concludes with formulas for pharmacies, as well as a list of "Dos-and-Don'ts" (see pic). The Danzig doctor warns against buying gimmick cures from drifters or market-criers. He notes too that those who visited many people and also alcoholics were the first to die; particularly harmful was the consumption of "Brandwein," which Mennonites also brewed. "All stench and uncleanliness are very harmful," as well. But the good doctor also adds that staying calm and trusting God is a "great medicine" and recommended to all (note 15).

                ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: This material was written largely in May 2020—after almost two months of “lock-down” because of the global COVID pandemic. A first part was posted in a Mennonite history Facebook Group in May 2, 2020, https://www.facebook.com/groups/MennoniteGenealogyHistory/permalink/3162624093771606/; this was followed by a second part on May 23, 2020, https://www.facebook.com/groups/MennoniteGenealogyHistory/posts/3219394624761219/). A public piece was posted in August in both English and German to address conservative Mennonites (https://trailsofthepast.com/2020/08/07/mennonitesepidemics/). Later in 2020 others began to write about the plagues in Danzig, including Glenn H. Penner, “The Great Plague of 1709,” Preservings 41 (2020), 43-46, https://www.plettfoundation.org/preservings/archive/41, and Kat Hill, “Death and Dreams in a Time of Plague,” Anabaptist Historians, posted October 1, 2020, https://anabaptisthistorians.org/2020/10/01/death-and-dreams-in-a-time-of-plague/.

Note 2: Cornelius Krahn, Dutch Anabaptism: Origin, Spread, Life and Thought, 1450–1600 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1968), 219f., https://archive.org/details/dutchanabaptismo00krah.

Note 3: Maria Bogucka, “Danzig an der Wende zur Neuzeit: Von der aktiven Handelsstadt zum Stapel und Produktionszentrum,” Hansische Geschichtsblätter 102 (1984), 91f., https://www.hansischergeschichtsverein.de/file/hgbll_102_1984.pdf.

Note 4: Cf. Maria Bogucka, “Danzig an der Wende zur Neuzeit,” 95.

Note 5: Maria Bogucka, “Health care and poor relief in Danzig (Gdansk): The sixteenth- and first half of the seventeenth century,” in Health care and poor relief in Protestant Europe, 1500–1700, edited by Ole Peter Grell and Andrew Cunningham, 204–219 (New York: Routledge, 1997), 211, https://archive.org/details/healthcarepoorre0000unse/page/204/.  

Note 6: Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence: From Ancient Times to the Present, 3rd ed., edited by George C. Kohn (New York: Infobase, 2007), 87f. https://books.google.ca/books?id=tzRwRmb09rgC&lpg=PA88&vq=DANZIG&dq=danzig%20epidemic%201653&pg=PA87#v=onepage&q&f=false

Note 7: Reinhold Curicken, Stadt Dantzig: Historische Beschreibung (Amsterdam/ Dantzigk: Janssons, 1687), bk. 3, ch. 31. https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10805961_00011.html.

Note 8: Bogucka, “Health care and poor relief in Danzig (Gdansk),” 211, 206.

Note 9: Anna Brons, Ursprung, Entwickelung und Schicksale der Taufgesinnten oder Mennoniten in kurzen Zügen (Norden, 1884), 258f. https://books.google.ca/books?id=BzU_AAAAYAAJ&pg=PR1#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Note 10 / Pic 1: See Danzig’s weekly plague deaths on pic 1 below (far right column), from Johannes Kanold ed., Einiger Medicorum Send-Schreiben, von der An. 1708 in Preussen, und An. 1709 in Dantzig ... graßireten Pestilentz (Breßlau: Fellgiebel, 1711), 48f. https://archive.org/details/b30545687/page/48/mode/2up.

Note 11: "Records of Prussian Mennonite Churches in the Vistula Delta: Births, Baptisms, Marriages and Deaths in the Danzig Church 1665-1943. Family Books 1 and 2 of the Danzig Mennonite Church." Transliterated and digitized by Ernest H. Baergen, http://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/prussia/Danzig_Records.htm.

Note 12: Hermann G. Mannhardt, Die Danziger Mennonitengemeinde. Ihre Entstehung und ihre Geschichte von 1569–1919 (Danzig, 1919), 87, https://archive.org/details/diedanzigermenno00mannuoft. More generally, cf. Peter J. Klassen, Mennonites in Early Modern Poland and Prussia (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins, 2009).

Note 13: Mannhardt, Danziger Mennonitengemeinde, 104-106.

Note 14: Manasse Stöckel, Anmerckungen, welche bey der Pest, die anno 1709 in Dantzig graßirte, beobachtet wurden (Hamburg, 1710), https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de//resolve/display/bsb10815757.html.

Note 15 / pic 4: Stöckel, Anmerckungen (last page; unnumbered).







  Print Friendly and PDF


Comments

  1. The attack against the ecclesiastical position of the Mennonites by the voivode of Pomerelia took place in 1676 and not in 1667 (see the note 9):

    https://books.google.ca/books?id=BzU_AAAAYAAJ&pg=258#v=twopage&q&f=false

    This can also be found in the "Eine polnische Starostei und ein preussischer Landrathskreis. Geschichte des Schwetzer Kreises 1466-1873", vol. 2 by Hans Maercker published in the magazine "Zeitschrift des Westpreussisschen Geschichtsvereins.", issue 17, Danzig, 1886, page 53:

    https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/Content/49705/PDF/Heft17.pdf

    ReplyDelete

Post a Comment

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Mennonite Medical Orderlies in World War I

Russia declared war on Germany on July 20, 1914. Mennonite ministers and civic leaders met on July 22, and called for the extension of their community’s alternative service agreement beyond forestry service: to form complete medical units to gather the wounded from the front and to transport them by hospital trains to interior hospitals; to establish special hospital facilities for the wounded in the colonies; to fundraise large sums for the Red Cross; and to grant financial aid to families of soldiers ( note 1 ). Mennonites knew that they would have to prove their patriotism in positive and tangible ways in order to retain property rights and privileges. Abraham Kröker, editor of the Friedensstimme , wrote just before the start of the war: “Do we not owe it our government and Russian neighbours to show that if a war … broke out, we would be ready to serve the interests of the Fatherland [Russia], and to help the needy?” D. H. Epp, editor of Der Botschafter , wrote: “We need to show ...

Flooding and Mennonites: A Common Thread

In November 2021 many Mennonites in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia were impacted by disastrous flooding. The mayor of Abbotsford—the worst-hit city—as well as the local Member of Parliament were Mennonites. Many Mennonites across Canada had family members who are directly impacted.  Flood stories have been an important thread in the Prussian-Russian Mennonite story. How have Mennonites responded? Mutual aid stands out. For Menno Simons, it was “the only sign whereby a true Christian may be known” ( note 1 ).  In 1562, “Dutch people of the Mennonite religion” were specifically invited by the Polish banking house Loysen to settle on the “Tiegenhoff part of the Vistula Delta” to rebuild dikes partially destroyed by huge floods (1540 and 1543) and wars, and to drain low-lying lagoons and swamps over large blocks of land ( note 2 ). The Tiege River—a branch of the Vistula—was at or below sea level.  Dams and ditches along the Nogat and Vistula rivers had been construct...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

"Between Monarchs" a lot can happen (like revolt). A Mennonite "Accession" Prayer for the Monarch

It is surprising for many to learn that Russian Mennonites sang the Russian national anthem "God save the Tsar" in special worship services ... frequently! We have a "Mennonite prayer" and sermon sample for the accession of the monarch ( Thronbesteigung ) or its anniversary, with closing prayer-- and another Mennonite sampler of a coronation ( Krönung ) prayer, sermon and closing prayer ( note 1 ). After 70 years with one monarch, the manual is made for a time like this--try sharing it with your Canadian Mennonite pastor ;) Technically there is no “between” monarchs: “The Queen is Dead. Long live the King!” But there is much that happens or can happen before the coronation of the new monarch. Including revolt. Mennonites in Molotschna had hosted Tsar Alexander I shortly before his death in 1825. Upon his death in December, Alexander's brother and heir Constantine declined succession, and prior to the coronation of the next brother Nicholas, some 3,000 rebel (mos...

Life in Exin, 1944: German-Occupied Poland

After the 1943-44 portion of the Great Trek ended with settlement of some 35,000 Mennonites in German-annexed Poland, the Gnadenfeld area trek members were scattered in resettler camps ( Umsiedler-Lager ) around Exin ( Kcynia ) and the Altburgund District administrative centre of Dietfurt ( Żnin ), including the hamlets of Kiefernrode ( Słupowiec ), Schwarzerde ( Malice ), Schmiedebach, etc. ( note 1) . Until World War I, the area was part of the German-Prussian Province of Posen, about 170 kilometres south-west of Danzig ( Gdańsk ) and about 400 kilometres east of Berlin. Almost all ethnic German resettlers from Ukraine arrived through Litzmannstadt (Łódź), one of two entrance points from the east into new German province of “Warthegau” ( note 2) . Here thousands were cleansed, deloused and processed daily. Some Gnadenfeld group members were brought to Janowitz (Janowiec) , near Hermannsbad in the District of Hohensalza for quarantine. Here fresh straw was laid out on the floor for ...

"Should Holy Baptism be offered to Deaf-Mutes (1886)?”

In 1886 the General Conference of the Mennonite Congregations in Russia (elders and ministers) adopted the following resolution: “A deaf-mute who desires Holy Baptism may be baptized, providing he is not an idiot ( blödsinnig ), and an understanding of baptism is first introduced to him as far as possible” ( note 1 ). A. G. Ambarzumov, a Protestant Armenian who had been trained in Germany and Switzerland for teaching the deaf, started a small initiative in the Mennonite “Molotschna Settlement” in Ukraine/South Russia in the 1870s. After a difficult start, benefactors in the Molotschna embraced the idea of a larger institution for the deaf—the first such institution in South Russia--especially because of the demonstrable results produced in the lives of students. “After only four months, Herr Ambarzumov could demonstrate encouraging results; the students were able to pronounce almost all vowels and consonants and speak and write some words" ( note 2 ). The institution's n...

Russian Mennonites and German troop withdrawal, Advent 1918

First Advent, 1918: The last page of the final issue of the German military newspaper Deutsche Zeitung für Ost-Taurien ( DZOT ), informed readers of a German Catholic mass at the Mennonite Church in Melitopol (near the large Mennonite settlement of Molotschna) for 8 am, followed by a Protestant (Lutheran) Military Advent worship service at 9 am ( pic ), with the Mennonite worship service beginning at 11 am. A week earlier they had done the same to honour their fallen comrades on Eternity Sunday ( Totensonntag )—in the Mennonite worship space. The Mennonite colonists—“especially Molotschna”—became “trusted friends,” whose assistance, hospitality and German manner created a “second home” for the troops, who now understood that “they belong inseparably together as members of one people ( Stamm ),” according to the editor ( note 1; pic ). Not only did troops give away German books, refrigerators, phonographs, recordings, movie projectors, distillery equipment, typewriters, linens, fo...

Mennonite Christmases in the Diary of Jacob P. Janzen, 1911-1914

The following accounts of Mennonite Christmases before the Revolution are from the unpublished diary of Jacob P. Janzen ( note 1 ). His entries are “real,” in the sense that they include all the complexities and messiness of life, with interesting detail. These accounts are from a single man in his thirties (b. 1880) in Rudnerweide, Molotschna. His entries show him as a sensitive, humble, and curious man, who was certainly well-informed about life in the community.          --Arnold Neufeldt-Fast -- Christmas 1911 (Janzen was working at "Bethania Mental Hospital" on the Dnjeper River near Einlage, note 2 ) “Some of the staff went to [director Peter] Schellenbergs to practice Christmas songs. I did not go. Aganetha Woelk [patient] had broken several window panes; I had to replace them and it got quite late. But while working in the female patients’ quarters I had a chance to see how they made beautiful, but inexpensive ornaments for the Christmas tree. Nur...