Skip to main content

Christmas and New Year’s Letter to the New King, 1797

On Christmas Eve Day 1797, Orlofferfelde Elder Heinrich Donner took time to write the new 28-year-old monarch, Friedrich Wilhelm III, King of Prussia, on behalf of the entire Mennonite West Prussian ministerial:

We, your humble servants, prostrate ourselves in deep reverence before your Honourable Royal Majesty at this year end, to offer our most loving congratulations on the occasion of our Honourable Royal Majesty’s ascendence to the supreme throne. No wishes are more heartfelt and fervent than ours, because our entire well-being is dependent on the great happiness brought about by being subject to the glorious and wise scepter of your Honourable Royal Majesty. Therefore, we wish for our Honourable Royal Majesty perpetual happiness, to the highest of all your government: May God grant His Royal Majesty, as well as your dearest wife, Her Majesty the Queen, the pleasures of all desired wealth and rewards and also infinite years for the welfare of the whole country. Then our joyous hope will be satisfied in receiving grace and protection from our Honourable Royal Majesty, the wisest monarch, in regards to our religion and our sustenance in favourable measure, and may we enjoy them forever. We pledge our Honourable Royal Majesty all the loyalty and servility your righteous subjects are capable of, and eagerly look forward to the time, Honourable Royal Majesty, just as our immortalized ancestors, to give the highest of all our solemn promise of homage publicly and deepest reverence.

Honourable Royal Majesty, your humble servants, the Elders and Ministers of all the Mennonite congregations in West Prussia: Heinrich Donner [Orlofferfelde; Frisian], Dirk Thiessen [Tiegenhagen; Flemish], Cornelius Warkentin [Rosenort; Flemish]. (Note 1)

The response reads as follows: 

"His Royal Majesty, our most gracious ruler, acknowledges with gracious pleasure the congratulations and good wishes, which the Elders and Ministers of all the Mennonite congregations in West Prussia wish to express on the 24th of December at the approaching New Year, and does not fail to thank them for this with the assurance of his highest paternal grace.” Frederick Wilhelm Berlin December 31, 1797." (Translation slightly altered)

Since 1772, “full parity” between Catholics and Lutherans was established in the Marienwerder, whereas Mennonites were only to be “tolerated” and “the numerous beggar Jews (Betteljuden)” were designated for “gradual removal” (note 2).

Donner, Warkentin and Thiessen were politically astute Mennonite leaders for these very uncertain times. Notably five years later, hundreds of Mennonite families would leave Prussia to form the new Molotschna Colony in Russia.

Already under the new king’s father, Friedrich-Wilhelm II, the view from Berlin had turned toxic towards the “slothful and useless” Mennonites, and the benefits of expulsion were seriously weighed (note 3).

This came to a head with the Mennonite Edict of 1789, which made it almost impossible for Mennonites to increase their land holdings in number or size:

“We wish, therefore, to order and command [that Mennonites]:

… shall no longer be able to easily acquire the most comfortable and productive properties out from other subjects who serve in the military;

… shall be required to pay the same fees proportional to the value of their properties as Protestant members toward the support of Protestant church buildings, parsonages with chapels, and parsonages, as well as teacher residences and school buildings;

… shall … be required to pay the same church fees for births, weddings, and funerals where they are required of Protestants … [as well as] the supplemental pastoral fees in kind;

… concerning the children of mixed marriages … they shall be raised in the faith of their non-Mennonite parent.” (Note 4)

If their “religious opinion” kept Mennonites from “fulfilling one of the pre-eminent duties of loyal subjects—the defence of the fatherland”—it followed that they “may not have all those civil privileges enjoyed by subjects who willingly undertake this duty” and who are “more useful to the state,” according to Friedrich-Wilhelm II (note 5).

The land restrictions and new fees meant impoverishment for many, and no prospects for the poor and their children. The vast majority of Mennonites in Prussia still hoped that they would be able to negotiate a fair resolution as they had done so often in the past. After all, the Prussian state exempted the whole upper stratum of society from military service, including artisans and workers in industries. Elder Donner was convinced that the best political strategy was--as in the past--not to boast of their virtues, achievements, and economic contributions before the king, but simply plead for his grace. Like God, a sovereign king tolerates his subjects not on their merits, but because of grace alone (note 6). This assumption and tactic was behind the Christmas/New Years letter to the new king as well (this approach would change some years later on the advise of a leading lawyer; note 7).

In 1793 Donner and Warkentin met with the Governor of Prussia who restated that he would strongly oppose any Mennonite petitions. Donner informed the Governor that as a consequence many more Mennonite families would want to emigrate. “Let them go,” was the Governor’s response. But when asked if he would approve applications for emigration, he said no (note 8).

A year and a half after the Christmas letter above, on June 30, 1799, in a response to an unwisely formulated letter by a lone minister, the King reaffirmed his father’s 1789 policy that linked any Mennonite land acquisition to military service. The normally calm Frisian Elder Heinrich Donner was livid in his response: “Under Prussian rule we have never received such a disgraceful resolution as this. … [It] even seeks to prove that the station of a soldier is a duty based on the teachings of Jesus, and that we should unite this duty with our religious principles. … Lord have mercy!” It now seemed to Donner that they were like the people of Israel when a new king came to power in Egypt, “according to the description in Exodus 1:8–13,” who was ignorant of their legacy and call, and enslaved and oppressed them (note 9).

            ---Arnold Neufeld-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Heinrich Donner Diary (Tagebuch) (1774-1803), translated by Elfriede Rempel and Glenn Penner, Mennonite Heritage Archives Winnipeg, Feb 2023, https://www.mharchives.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Heinrich-Donner-Diary-12-Feb-2023.pdf. Translation slightly altered. German: Orlofferfelde Chronik, transcribed by Werner Janzen and Merle Schlabough, 2022, Mennonite Library and Archives-Bethel College, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/cong_303/ok63/orlofferfeldechronik.html.

Note 2: Prussian policy did not change. Cf. Hans Maercker, “Geschichte des Schwetzer Kreises 1466–1873,” Zeitschrift der Westpreussischen Geschichtsvereins 17 [1886], 67, https://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/publication/52346/edition/49705#structure. Cf. also “Obermedizinalrat” and “Bericht der westpreussischen Kammer, 1803,” cited in Karge, “Die Auswanderung,” 70, 74f. It was argued that the state “would gain more than it would lose with the emigration” of this “soft” and “lazy type of humanity.” Conscription should be expanded to include every Mennonite, and such a policy could only be bettered, in the view of one regional official, if the same policies were enforced against “that similar type of humanity to the Mennonites in this province, namely the Jews.”

Note 3: Paul Karge, “Die Auswanderung ost- und westpreussischen Mennoniten nach Südrussland (nach Chortiza und der Molotschna), 1787–1820,” Elbinger Jahrbuch 3 (1923), 70, http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=13874; https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/0v760.pdf.

Note 4: Frederick William II, King of Prussia, “Edict Concerning the Future Establishment of the Mennonites in All Royal Provinces Excluding the Duchy Silesia, 1789,” in Mark Jantzen, Mennonite German Soldiers: Nation, Religion, and Family in the Prussian East, 1772–1880, translated by Mark Jantzen, Appendix, Document 2, 256–260 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010). Original: “Edict, die künftige Einrichtung des Mennonisten-Wesens in sämmtlichen Königlichen Provinzien exklusive des Herzogthums Schlesien betreffend,” Berlin, July 30, 1789. Decker, 1789. From Staatsbibliothek Berlin, https://digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/werkansicht/?PPN=PPN806951052.

Note 5: In Jantzen, Mennonite German Soldiers, 256; cf. also the "1801 Declaration," ibid., 262.

Note 6: Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik [German], 57 (1799).

Note 7: Eventually Mennonites retained an influential and well-connected lawyer from Königsberg. Rather than references to scripture or old Polish Privilegia, his strategy was to highlight the huge loss of technical knowledge and vast human resources in industry and agriculture because of the state’s policy. Cf. Karge, “Die Auswanderung,” 73.

Note 8: Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik, 44f.; 47.

Note 9: Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik, 57.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Christmas and New Year's Letter to the New King, 1797,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), December 24, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/12/christmas-and-new-years-letter-to-new.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...

Outrage in Canada: Ukrainian in Waffen-SS honoured in Parliament. Mennonite Connections

As an historic peace church, Russian Mennonite congregations in Canada never celebrated “their veterans” who had volunteered with the Waffen-SS or Wehrmacht in complex times; hundreds did however volunteer to protect and defend their corner of Ukraine from a new era of Moscow-based Bolshevism. Some later self-identified as "The Lost Generation." German Prussian Mennonites in contrast understood that heritage differently and celebrated the “Heroes' Day Memorial” service anually until 1945. After 1945 Germany appropriately renamed their remembrance day as Volkstrauertag —the People’s Day of Mourning ( note 1 ). Many descendents live in Canada. A parallel Ukrainian story made the news in Canada in September 2023. The Speaker of the House of Commons invited a 98-year-old Ukrainian-Canadian war veteran to a joint session of Parliament for the visit and address by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on September 22.  Without good vetting by the Speaker, the guest was laud...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle...

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation. In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name ( note 1 ).  On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers ( Zahlen ) from the church hymnal” ( note 2 ). Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote: “Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flo...

From USSR to Cherrywood Station: Mennonites winter in Markham-Stouffville, 1924

On September 26, 1924, 126 Russian Mennonite passengers disembarked the S. S. Melita at Quebec City ( note 1 ). They were among some 20,000 Mennonites who could immigrate to Canada from the Soviet Union in the 1920s. A number of these families received train cards to Cherrywood (Pickering) and Locust Hill (Markham) stations, where they were received by Markham area Mennonites. The Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization (CMBC) registration forms record each family's travel dates as well as their "first place of arrival" in Canada. The attached artifacts—a few pages from the financial records booklet kept by Markham-Stouffville treasurer J. L. Grove, plus some correspondence—profile concretely the level of support of this community north-east of Toronto for co-religionists fleeing the Soviet Union. Mennonites in Ontario had been well informed of the relief needs in Russia since 1921 and plans for mass immigration ( note 2 ). In April 1924 the local Stouffville Tribune ...