Skip to main content

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible.

But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods (note 1). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” (note 2).

At least since the early 1820s Mennonites had supported Moravian and Pietist missionaries to Jews in New Russia, as well as the missionary work of Johann C. Moritz—a convert from Judaism (note 3). In 1830 a law was passed in Bessarabia (near the Crimean Peninsula) that offered Jews freedom from any taxes or benefits throughout life if they converted to Christianity (note 4).

In 1836, landless Chortitza Mennonites began to settle the so-called “Jewish steppe” to form the Mariupoler Mennonite Bergthal district. These lands had been set aside in 1817 for distribution and settlement of urban Jews, and specifically for members of the Society of Israeli Christians—an association organized by Prince Alexander Golitsyn, Minister of Foreign Creeds. Because the Society had so few members, the lands remained largely unsettled and the state eventually abandoned its plans (note 5).

Prejudice towards Jews was shared broadly in Russian society. The Russian Ministry for the Interior—which was dissatisfied with the growing poverty of the Jewish agricultural colonies—drew up plans for retraining its Jewish farming population, and placing all of these colonies under the oversight of the Guardianship Committee for Foreign Settlers. About 20 percent of Jews in New Russia lived in agricultural colonies; many had been removed from Jewish ghettos a few decades earlier.

In 1847 Johann Cornies was appointed by the Guardianship Committee to oversee the six-village experimental settlement known as the Judenplan. The plan was to attract “model” Mennonite farmers and village administrators, with special privileges and incentives—including land. Scores of Jewish homes stood empty as families had given up on agriculture and migrated back to the cities. Mennonites acquired these farms for minimal contributions to the Guardianship Committee. Approximately 100 to 140 qualified Mennonite families participated in this program.

The overseers were Mennonite—typically not respected by their Jewish underlings, and with little authority to carry out their mandate. While some agricultural change can be documented, the results were less than successful and included some terrible conflicts. For example, a Mennonite mayor in the Judenplan, Heinrich Goerz, was accused of beating and killing a Jewish man, and complaints were issued against a successor, Jacob Dyck, for temper and the use of corporal punishment (note 6).

On occasion legal disputes occurred between Jews and Mennonite service providers outside of the Judenplan as well (note 7). In these relations there was mistrust, and that distance grew as Mennonites’ economic competencies diversified and the need for Jewish middle-men lessened. Often the petitions by German colonists to the Guardianship Committee about Jews were in fact a strategy to deal with “annoying competition” (note 8).

The Judenplan vision established in part by Cornies came with good intentions. But it was paternalistic from the start, ensuring that the two communities would not relate as neighbours.

And not surprisingly, competing notions of divine mission were at play—Jewish, Mennonite and Russian. The notion of “model farmers”—so central to Mennonite identity in Russia—was a contradiction in terms for some local Jewish Rabbis, who sought to convince “simple settlers that the Chosen People of the Jews was not destined for agriculture—this was the bitter lot of the Goyim, the other-believers” (note 9)!

In the coming years the Jewish community would suffer violent attack in South Russia. In May 1881 thousands of Jews in the Berdjansk district were chased from their homes, beaten and robbed. Some fled to the Mennonite villages for protection. In the Molotschna Colony, “Russian lads” in Rudnerweide attacked the Jewish craftsmen who were there on Sundays, and in Tiegerweide “Russian servants” beat the local Jews badly. Some Jews from Tokmak found refuge in Fürstenau, though its residents were warned not to provide shelter (note 10).

"Until now [1882] it appeared that in Russia Jews could find protection with German colonists from the raw persecution of Russians. This came naturally to us [Mennonites], for in our view it is not impossible that hatred could be stirred up against Germans as well. … 'Do unto others what you would have them do to you.' But now it is clear that this type of sympathy with Jews also incites the hatred of the country’s population against Germans." (Note 11)

But even in this case, the unnamed Mennonite correspondent continued the column with his own hateful language against these “lost sheep from the House of Israel.”

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Painting by Mykola Pymonenko, Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_the_Jews_in_Russia#/media/File:Pimonenko._Victime_of_fanatisme.jpg.

Note 1: Yuri Slezkine, The Jewish Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 106.

Note 2: “Inspektor Artillerie Kapitän Kotowirsch, an die Gebietsämter von Klöstitz, Malojaroslawetz und Sarata” (March 3, 1836). No. 279, Folder 18. Letter (copied). Benjamin H. Unruh collection, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford University. From Mennonite Library and Archives-Bethel College, MS. 295, folder 14, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_295/folder_14/SKMBT_C35107061313230_0034.jpg.

Note 3: James Urry, “‘Servants from far’: Mennonites and the pan-evangelical impulse in early nineteenth-century Russia,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 61, no. 2 (1987), 219.

Note 4: See https://jewinthepew.org/2015/11/28/28-november-1830-grotesque-russification-conversion-law-offers-financial-inducements-otdimjh.

Note 5: Dimitry Z. Feldman, “Archival Sources for the Genealogy of Jewish Colonists in Southern Russia in the 19th Century,” in RAGAS Newsletter 5, no. 1 (Spring 1999), https://kehilalinks.jewishgen.org/colonies_of_ukraine/archival_sources_for_the_genealo.htm; Johann Cornies, “No. 186, Cornies to Andrei M. Fadeev, March 12, 1830,” Transformation on the Southern Ukrainian Steppe: Letters and Papers of Johann Cornies, vol. 1: 1812–1835, translated by Ingrid I. Epp; edited by Harvey L. Dyck, Ingrid I. Epp, and John R. Staples (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015), 166f.; Jakob Stach, ed., Grunau und die Mariupoler Kolonien (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1942), V–VI;191, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/Buch/Grunau.pdf.

Note 6: Harvey Dyck, “Landlessness in the Old Colony: The Judenplan Experiment 1850–1880,” in Mennonites in Russia, edited by John Friesen (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1989), 197. See also George K. Epp, Geschichte der Mennoniten in Rußland, vol. 3 (Lage: Logos, 2003), 214. Corporal punishment was used on Jewish underlings in other non-Mennonite, German-run colonies (Dmytro Myeshkov, Schawarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten: 1781–1871 [Essen: Klartext, 2008], 337). 

Note 7: “Guardianship Committee of Foreign Settlers in South Russia,” Inventory 2, file 12301, 1849 to 1866; Inventory 3, file 15107; also files 15165, 1852 to 1854; Inventory 4b, file 21683, 1863, regarding quality of flour received from Mennonite mill in Waldheim. Fond 6. From Mennonite Heritage Centre, Winnipeg, MB, https://www.mennonitechurch.ca/programs/archives/holdings/organizations/OdessaArchivesF6.htm.

Note 8: Cf. 1865 report cited in Myeshkov, Die Schawarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten, 452.

Note 9: Cited in Myeshkov, Die Schawarzmeerdeutschen und ihre Welten, 343.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 11, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/the-jewish-colony-judenplan-and-its.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Russian and Prussian Mennonite Participants in “Racial-Science,” 1930

I n December 1929, some 3,885 Soviet Mennonites plus 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists and seven Adventists were assisted by Germany to flee the Soviet Union. They entered German transit camps before resettlement in Canada, Brazil and Paraguay ( note 1 ) In the camps Russian Mennonites participated in a racial-biological study to measure their hereditary characteristics and “racial” composition and “blood purity” in comparison to Danzig-West Prussian, genetic cousins. In Germany in the last century, anthropological and medical research was horribly misused for the pseudo-scientific work referred to as “racial studies” (Rassenkunde). The discipline pre-dated Nazi Germany to describe apparent human differences and ultimately “to justify political, social and cultural inequality” ( note 2 ). But by 1935 a program of “racial hygiene” and eugenics was implemented with an “understanding that purity of the German Blood is the essential condition for the continued existence of the

“Operation Chortitza” – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44 (Part I)

In October 1943, some 3,900 Mennonite resettlers from “Operation Chortitza” entered the Gau of Danzig-West Prussia. They were transported by train via Litzmannstadt and brought to temporary camps in Neustadt (Danzig), Preußisch Stargard (Konradstein), Konitz, Kulm on the Vistula, Thorn and some smaller localities ( note 1 ). The Gau received over 11,000 resettlers from the German-occupied east zones in 1943. Before October some 3,000 were transferred from these temporary camps for permanent resettlement in order to make room for "Operation Chortitza" ( note 2 ). By January 1, 1944 there were 5,473 resettlers in the Danzig-West Prussian camps (majority Mennonite); one month later that number had almost doubled ( note 3 ). "Operation Chortitza" as it was dubbed was part of a much larger movement “welcoming” hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans “back home” after generations in the east. Hitler’s larger plan was to reorganize peoples in Europe by race, to separate

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown,

"Anti-Menno" Communist: David J. Penner (1904-1993)

The most outspoken early “Mennonite communist”—or better, “Anti-Menno” communist—was David Johann Penner, b. 1904. Penner was the son of a Chortitza teacher and had grown up Mennonite Brethren in Millerovo, with five religious services per week ( note 1 )! In 1930 with Stalin firmly in power, Penner pseudonymously penned the booklet entitled Anti-Menno ( note 2 ). While his attack was bitter, his criticisms offer a well-informed, plausible window on Mennonite life—albeit biased and with no intention for reform. He is a ethnic Mennonite writing to other Mennonites. Penner offers multiple examples of how the Mennonite clergy in particular—but also deacons, choir conductors, Sunday School teachers, leaders of youth or women’s circles—aligned themselves with the exploitative interests of industry and wealth. Extreme prosperity for Mennonite industrialists and large landowners was achieved with low wages and the poverty of their Russian /Ukrainian workers, according to Penner. Though t

High Crimes and Misdemeanors: Mennonite Murders, Infanticide, Rapes and more

To outsiders, the Mennonite reality in South Russia appeared almost utopian—with their “mild and peaceful ethos.” While it is easy to find examples of all the "holy virtues" of the Mennonite community, only when we are honest about both good deeds and misdemeanors does the Russian Mennonite tradition have something authentic to offer—or not. Rudnerweide was one of a few Molotschna villages with a Mennonite brewery and tavern , which in turn brought with it life-style lapses that would burden the local elder. For example, on January 21, 1835, the Rudnerweide Village Office reported that Johann Cornies’s sheep farm manager Heinrich Reimer, as well as Peter Friesen and an employed Russian shepherd, came into the village “under the influence of brandy,” and: "…at the tavern kept by Aron Wiens, they ordered half a quart of brandy and shouted loudly as they drank, banged their glasses on the table. The tavern keeper objected asking them to settle down, but they refused and

Mennonite Heritage Week in Canada and the Russländer Centenary (2023)

In 2019, the Canadian Parliament declared the second week in September as “Mennonite Heritage Week.” The bill and statements of support recognized the contributions of Mennonites to Canadian society ( note 1 ). 2019 also marked the centenary of a Canadian Order in Council which, at their time of greatest need, classified Mennonites as an “undesirable” immigrant group: “… because, owing to their peculiar customs, habits, modes of living and methods of holding property, they are not likely to become readily assimilated or to assume the duties and responsibilities of Canadian citizenship within a reasonable time.” ( Pic ) With a change of government, this order was rescinded in 1922 and the doors opened for some 23,000 Mennonites to immigrate from the Soviet Union to Canada. The attached archival image of the Order in Council hangs on the office wall of Canadian Senator Peter Harder—a Russländer descendant. 2023 marks the centennial of the arrival of the first Russländer immigrant groups

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an influen

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans

Blessed are the Shoe-Makers: Brief History of Lost Soles

A collection of simple artefacts like shoes can open windows onto the life and story of a people. Below are a few observations about shoes and boots, or the lack thereof, and their connection to the social and cultural history of Russian Mennonites. Curiously Mennonites arrived in New Russia shoe poor in 1789, and were evacuated as shoe poor in 1943 as when their ancestors arrived--and there are many stories in between. The poverty of the first Flemish elder in Chortitza Bernhard Penner was so great that he had only his home-made Bastelschuhe in which to serve the Lord’s Supper. “[Consequently] four of the participating brethren banded together to buy him a pair of boots which one of the [Land] delegates, Bartsch, made for him. The poor community desired with all its heart to partake of the holy sacrament, but when they remembered the solemnity of these occasions in their former homeland, where they dressed in their Sunday best, there was loud sobbing.” ( Note 1 ) In the 1802 C