Skip to main content

Molotschna Liberation, October 1941

On October 12 and 13, 1941, as many as 10,000 Mennonites at two Molotschna-area train stations--awaiting deportation to Kazakhstan--were liberated by German military and were free to return to their homes (note 1).

Ten days earlier most had been ordered to pack and be ready within two hours to be taken by wagon to the Stulnewo train station (between Hamberg, Klippenfeld and Waldheim) or the station at Nelgovka, east of Franzthal.

Advance German reconnaissance spies were active in the Molotschna villages, some in NKVD (Soviet secret police) uniform seeking hidden Soviet military assets. In the villages men “armed with manure forks and pitchforks,” as well as Russian activists and party members in Gnadenfeld with semi-automatic weapons, for example, were sent out in the early mornings to scout for armed German paratroopers (note 2).

German spy planes also air-dropped leaflets written in both German and Russian: “Jews and Communists, flee! Not one of you will survive. We will find you even in the remotest corner” (note 3). Memoirs recall that trains east were jammed with Jewish families, and a stream of Jewish refugees flowed through the Molotschna as well—“with their possessions piled on their wagons” (note 4).

There they were organized into village groups each large enough to fill a box car. Rumour was that they were to be taken to Kazakhstan or Siberia before the arrival of German troops; some had already left two days earlier.

“We saw hundreds of little groups of people camped on the barren ground. … we dug 6 ft. by 4 ft. by 2ft. deep holes in the still soft soil, using our suitcases or boxes as walls, and blankets or tarps as roofs” (note 5). Rockets lit up the night sky; as they waited at Stulnevo all witnessed an unforgettable day-time aerial “dog fight.”

"The retreating [Soviet] army began to blow up railway tracks. Though pieces of rail, some several feet long, whizzed above and around us, we were uninjured … . All the granaries of wheat were set afire. … A Russian aircraft flew low above our heads and landed a short distance from us. As the plane again took to the air and came flying towards us, we were terrified. … Like bolts of lightening in a clear sky, two German planes suddenly appeared, and the Russian aircraft was sent hurtling to earth. It contained the incendiary bombs which were to destroy us." (Note 6)

Vulnerable and cold, “there was a lot of praying and singing under the open sky with a morning worship service and hymns including ‘Nearer, my God, to Thee,’ … ‘Out of the depths I cry to Thee,’ and many more” (note 7). Various memoirs recall gratefully that Stulnewo’s stationmaster saved many lives by loading crates instead of people on a few of the trains that stopped; in turn he was later rewarded by the German Wehrmacht with special rations (note 8).

The same was happening at the Nelgovka station with the remaining residents of the south-east corner of Molotschna, including Marienthal and Pordenau (numbers uncertain, but smaller). Again, police on horseback had come to each house, knocked on the window, and told the families to bake and cook and be prepared to evacuate the next evening. “When our wagon train was past the hedge out on the open prairie, a frightening noise roared towards us. They were ‘enemy’ planes swooping over us,” so close that one could “count the pilot’s teeth,” one Marienthaler recalled (note 9).

Here too the first trains were delayed; others did not stop, which meant that evacuees had to wait on the open field for multiple nights. A few found space in an empty grain elevator, but the station master ordered it blown up the next day. “We were in the waiting room … when suddenly a Russian soldier appeared,” Albert Dahl recalled. “And as he walked past he said loudly to himself so that those nearby could understand: ‘Get out of here, this will soon be burning.’ We had hardly reached the fields when everything went up in flames. Cold, wet snow was falling, and we lay there all night.” 

My then four-year-old mother could still recall how her brothers and others gathered the larger pieces of sheet metal for shelter (note 10).The station master approached one of the Marienthal families with a request: “He said he had done us a favour by not stopping that last train because he thought we would rather wait here for the Germans than go East;” he wanted a horse to make his getaway. Another Red Army soldier asked for civilian clothing for his flight (note 11).

Soon after the tracks were bombed, an advance group of three “finely dressed” German soldiers on motorcycles and side-cars arrived—“they looked to us as if they had arrived out of another world—so self-confident,” and they “greeted and addressed us as ‘comrades,’” Marienthaler Albert Dahl recalled (note 12).

The 11th German Army under General-Oberst Erich von Manstein and the Panzer (Tank) Group Kleist surrounded two Russian armies in Molotschna (note 13). According to Horst Gerlach, “dozens” of West Prussian Mennonites were in the 60th Motorized Division and the Panzer Group Kleist, which arrived in the Mennonite areas in 1941 (note 14).

The German victory in the city of Melitopol and Molotschna was completed on Monday, October 6, but it took another week before all would be home.

A German Rear Army Command Division (Korück) was established in Melitopol and was responsible to secure supply routes, pacify the newly occupied territory, and create transit camps for prisoners of war. Its captain Hauptmann Rottendorf ordered that ethnic German mayors be appointed and that the villages and be posted with clear signage as a “German Colony (village).” In Gnadenfeld the military command appointed a mayor who was a "well-known drunkard, illiterate, and a person of weak character”, according to scribe, Jacob Neufeld (note 15).

Rottendorf was concerned with infractions by allied Romanian soldiers, the plundering of factories, warehouses and facilities in towns, and to arrest deserters and “politically unacceptable elements” (note 16). The latter were delivered directly to the S.D. in Melitopol, typically responsible for executions. The predominantly Mennonite village of Lichtenau handed over the bookkeeper of their oil press—“presumed to be a Jew”—to Rottendorf, who on the same day turned over 75 Jews to the S.D. (note 17).

On October 11, some 2,000 Jews were killed in Melitopol (note 18).

Soon those who had dug tank traps west of the Dnieper returned home. “[M]any walked barefooted; others wrapped rags around their feet to ease some of the soreness and keep them warm. As they followed the German army they begged for food from the Ukrainian people and slept in straw stacks” (note 19). A group returned to Wernersdorf on October 10; on October 12 Rottendorf found a group of “36 ethnic German refugees” in Gnadenfeld (Bogdanowka) “who had been forced by the Russians to do fortification work near Kachowka and were on their way back to their home villages” (note 20).

My mother’s oldest brothers Franz and Heinrich Bräul were among those who found their way back to Marienthal during these days. Mennonites were in shock and overwhelmed, while tremendously happy to be free fom the NKVD and Stalin's Bolshevik reign of terror. 

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Otto Dirks, Memories that Shape the Future: An Autobiography (Self-Published; no date), 23.

Note 2: Horst Gerlach, Die Rußlandmennoniten: Ein Volk unterwegs, vol. 1, 5th edition (Kirchheimbolanden, Pfalz: Self-published, 2008), 89; Gerhard Lohrenz, ed., Lose Blätter, III. Teil (Winnipeg, MB: Self-published, 1976), 128; Anne Giesbrecht Fast and Hans Fast, Two Lives, One Faith. The Memoirs of Anne Giesbrecht Fast and Hans Fast (Waterloo, ON: Self-published, 2006), 59.

Note 3: Johann Rehan, “Etwas aus der Vergangenheit” 1992/1995. Copy of hand-written memoir in author’s possession. Rehan was living in Schardau.

Note 4: Katie Friesen, Into the Unknown (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1986), 37; also Helene Dueck, Durch Trübsal und Not (Winnipeg, MB: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1995), 35, https://archive.org/details/durch-truebsal-und-not/mode/2up.

Note 5: Dirks, Memories that Shape the Future, 21.

Note 6: Susanna Toews, Trek to Freedom: The Escape of Two Sisters from South Russia during World War II, translated by Helen Megli (Winkler, MB: Heritage Valley, 1976), 17f.; cf. also Jacob A. Neufeld, Path of Thorns: Soviet Mennonite Life under Communist and Nazi Rule, edited by H. L. Dyck, translated by H. L. Dyck and S. Dyck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 214f.

Note 7: A. A. Toews, ed., Mennonitische Märtyrer der jüngsten Vergangenheit und der Gegenwart, vol. 2: Der große Leidensweg (North Clearbrook, BC: Self-published, 1954), 189; also reported in Gerhard Lohrenz, ed., Lose Blätter, vol. 3 (Winnipeg, MB: Self-published, 1976), 128f.

Note 8: Horst Gerlach, Die Rußlandmennoniten: Ein Volk unterwegs, vol. 1, 5th edition (Kirchheimbolanden (Pfalz): Self-published, 2008), 90; Elisabeth Heidebrecht Steffen, “Wernersdorf.” Mennonitische Geschichte und Ahnenforschung, 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/kb/wernd7.pdf; Dirks, Memories that Shape the Future, 22.

Note 9: Selma Kornelsen Hooge and Anna Goossen Kornelsen, Life Before Canada (Abbotsford, BC: Self-published, 2018), 50.

Note 10: Hooge and Kornelsen tell the same story (Life Before Canada, 52).

Note 11: Hooge and Kornelsen, Life Before Canada, 52.

Note 12: Albert Dahl, interview with author, July 26, 2017.

Note 13: For a map of military movements with commentary, cf. Gerlach, Rußlandmennoniten I, 89.

Note 14: Gerlach, Rußlandmennoniten I, 90.

Note 15: J. Neufeld, Path of Thorns, 220.

Note 16: Rottendorf, Korück 553, Sonder-Befehl, October 17, 1941, Bundesarchiv RH 23/78, no. 30 [60], https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/direktlink/f45f2bf5-8a76-4fb2-b85a-e36717dd72af/. Cf. related memoirs, e.g., Hooge and Kornelsen, Life Before Canada, 54.

Note 17: Rottendorf, Korück 553, Telegram to Nikolajew, October 16, 1941, Bundesarchiv RH 23/78, no. 37 [74].

Note 18: Alexander Kruglov, “Jewish losses in Ukraine, 1941–1944,” in The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization, edited by Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008), 255.

Note 19: Helmut Huebert, Molotschna Historical Atlas (Winnipeg, MB: Springfield, 2003), 181, https://archive.org/details/MolotschnaHistoricalAtlasOCRopt. See also account by Anna Braun who with two other women and six men moved 700 head of cattle east across the Dnieper from Neu-Chortitza, but also escaped back (“Neu-Chortitza [Baratov] Dorfbericht,” 10, in Stumpp, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6/623, Mappe 184, May 1942, https://tsdea.archives.gov.ua/deutsch/gallery.php?tt=R_6_623+Rayon%3A+Sofijevka%0D%0AKreisgebiet%3A+Pjatichatki%0D%0AGenerelbezirk%3A+Dnjepropetrowsk+Dorf%3A+Neu-Chortitza%0D%0Arussisch+%E2%80%93+Nowo-Chortitza+&p=R_6_623%5C%D1%823_510-593%0D%0A#lg=1&slide=0).

Note 20: Rottendorf, Kontrolle des Strassenverkehrs, October 13, 1941, BA RH 23/78, no. 55b [111]; Steffen, “Wernersdorf,” 2.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Molotschna Liberation, October 1941," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 12, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/molotschna-liberation-october-1941.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Vaccinations in Chortitza and Molotschna, beginning in 1804

Vaccination lists for Chortitza Mennonite children in 1809 and 1814 were published prior to the COVID-19 pandemic with little curiosity ( note 1 ). However during the 2020-22 pandemic and in a context in which some refused to vaccinate for religious belief, the historic data took on new significance. Ancestors of some of the more conservative Russian Mennonite groups—like the Reinländer or the Bergthalers or the adult children of land delegate Jacob Höppner—were in fact vaccinating their infants and toddlers against small pox over two hundred years ago ( note 2 ). Also before the current pandemic Ukrainian historian Dmytro Myeshkov brought to light other archival materials on Mennonites and vaccination. The material below is my summary and translation of the relevant pages of Myeshkov’s massive 2008 volume on Black Sea German and their Worlds, 1781 to 1871 (German only; note 3 ). Myeshkov confirms that Chortitza was already immunizing its children in 1804 when their District Offic...

"A Small Town near Auschwitz” – Chortitza Mennonite Refugee/ Resettlement Camps

Simple proximity to a place of horrors does not equal knowledge or complicity. Many Gnadenfeld-area Mennonite refugees were, for example, temporarily housed 20 km. away from the Bergen-Belsen Concentration Camp where 15-year-old Anne Frank died ultimately of typhus ( note 1 ). The day after liberation by British troops on April 15, 1945, camp survivors began to flow through neighbouring villages. “What a sight they were! They had been tortured and starved, and were swollen from lack of food. … We could hardly believe that the glorious country of Germany could commit such crimes against people,” Susanna Toews wrote ( note 2 ). My mother was only seven, but she remembers overhearing shocking descriptions given by their host family’s teenaged girls forced by the British to clean some of the camp buses. What about the much larger death camp at Auschwitz? There is a book entitled: A Small Town near Auschwitz: Ordinary Nazis and the Holocaust. It is about an administrator living near the ...

“Operation Chortitza” (Part II) – Resettler Camps in Danzig-West Prussia, 1943-44

Waldemar Janzen, my former German professor and advisee, turned eleven years old in 1943. He and his mother and 3,900 others from Chortitza and Rosenthal (Ukraine) were evacuated west to the ethnic German resettler camps in Gau Danzig-West Prussia in October that year (see Part I; note 1 ). Years later Janzen could still recall much from this childhood experience—including the impact of the visit by Professor Benjamin H. Unruh a few weeks after their arrival. “He was a man who had extended much help to his fellow Mennonites ever since they began to emigrate from Russia during the 1920s” ( note 2 ). Unruh was a father-figure to his people, and his arrival at their camp in West Prussia signaled to the evacuees that they were in good hands ( note 3 ). Unruh’s impact on 7,000 other Chortitza District villagers in Upper Silesia would be the same some weeks later ( note 4 ). Surprisingly Unruh’s West Prussian camps visit left an equally indelible impression on the Gau’s Operations Commande...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Warthegau, Nazism and two 15-year-old Mennonites, 1944

Katharina Esau offered me a home away from home when I was a student in Germany in the 1980s. The Soviet Union released her and her family in 1972. Käthe Heinrichs—her maiden name (b. Aug. 18, 1928)—and my Uncle Walter Bräul were classmates in Gnadenfeld during Nazi occupation of Ukraine, and experienced the Gnadenfeld group “trek” as 15-year-olds together. Before she passed, she wrote her story ( note 1 )—and I had opportunity to interview my uncle. Käthe and Walter both arrived in Warthegau—German annexed Poland—in March 1944 ( note 2 ), and the Reich had a plan for their lives. In February 1944, the Governor of Warthegau ordered the Hitler Youth (HJ) organization to “care for Black Sea German youth” ( note 3 ). Youth were examined for the Hitler Youth, but also for suitability for elite tracks like the one-year Landjahr (farm year and service) program. The highly politicized training of the Landjahr was available for young people in Hitler Youth and its counterpart the League of G...