Skip to main content

Molotschna Liberation, October 1941

On October 12 and 13, 1941, as many as 10,000 Mennonites at two Molotschna-area train stations--awaiting deportation to Kazakhstan--were liberated by German military and were free to return to their homes (note 1).

Ten days earlier most had been ordered to pack and be ready within two hours to be taken by wagon to the Stulnewo train station (between Hamberg, Klippenfeld and Waldheim) or the station at Nelgovka, east of Franzthal.

Advance German reconnaissance spies were active in the Molotschna villages, some in NKVD (Soviet secret police) uniform seeking hidden Soviet military assets. In the villages men “armed with manure forks and pitchforks,” as well as Russian activists and party members in Gnadenfeld with semi-automatic weapons, for example, were sent out in the early mornings to scout for armed German paratroopers (note 2).

German spy planes also air-dropped leaflets written in both German and Russian: “Jews and Communists, flee! Not one of you will survive. We will find you even in the remotest corner” (note 3). Memoirs recall that trains east were jammed with Jewish families, and a stream of Jewish refugees flowed through the Molotschna as well—“with their possessions piled on their wagons” (note 4).

There they were organized into village groups each large enough to fill a box car. Rumour was that they were to be taken to Kazakhstan or Siberia before the arrival of German troops; some had already left two days earlier.

“We saw hundreds of little groups of people camped on the barren ground. … we dug 6 ft. by 4 ft. by 2ft. deep holes in the still soft soil, using our suitcases or boxes as walls, and blankets or tarps as roofs” (note 5). Rockets lit up the night sky; as they waited at Stulnevo all witnessed an unforgettable day-time aerial “dog fight.”

"The retreating [Soviet] army began to blow up railway tracks. Though pieces of rail, some several feet long, whizzed above and around us, we were uninjured … . All the granaries of wheat were set afire. … A Russian aircraft flew low above our heads and landed a short distance from us. As the plane again took to the air and came flying towards us, we were terrified. … Like bolts of lightening in a clear sky, two German planes suddenly appeared, and the Russian aircraft was sent hurtling to earth. It contained the incendiary bombs which were to destroy us." (Note 6)

Vulnerable and cold, “there was a lot of praying and singing under the open sky with a morning worship service and hymns including ‘Nearer, my God, to Thee,’ … ‘Out of the depths I cry to Thee,’ and many more” (note 7). Various memoirs recall gratefully that Stulnewo’s stationmaster saved many lives by loading crates instead of people on a few of the trains that stopped; in turn he was later rewarded by the German Wehrmacht with special rations (note 8).

The same was happening at the Nelgovka station with the remaining residents of the south-east corner of Molotschna, including Marienthal and Pordenau (numbers uncertain, but smaller). Again, police on horseback had come to each house, knocked on the window, and told the families to bake and cook and be prepared to evacuate the next evening. “When our wagon train was past the hedge out on the open prairie, a frightening noise roared towards us. They were ‘enemy’ planes swooping over us,” so close that one could “count the pilot’s teeth,” one Marienthaler recalled (note 9).

Here too the first trains were delayed; others did not stop, which meant that evacuees had to wait on the open field for multiple nights. A few found space in an empty grain elevator, but the station master ordered it blown up the next day. “We were in the waiting room … when suddenly a Russian soldier appeared,” Albert Dahl recalled. “And as he walked past he said loudly to himself so that those nearby could understand: ‘Get out of here, this will soon be burning.’ We had hardly reached the fields when everything went up in flames. Cold, wet snow was falling, and we lay there all night.” 

My then four-year-old mother could still recall how her brothers and others gathered the larger pieces of sheet metal for shelter (note 10).The station master approached one of the Marienthal families with a request: “He said he had done us a favour by not stopping that last train because he thought we would rather wait here for the Germans than go East;” he wanted a horse to make his getaway. Another Red Army soldier asked for civilian clothing for his flight (note 11).

Soon after the tracks were bombed, an advance group of three “finely dressed” German soldiers on motorcycles and side-cars arrived—“they looked to us as if they had arrived out of another world—so self-confident,” and they “greeted and addressed us as ‘comrades,’” Marienthaler Albert Dahl recalled (note 12).

The 11th German Army under General-Oberst Erich von Manstein and the Panzer (Tank) Group Kleist surrounded two Russian armies in Molotschna (note 13). According to Horst Gerlach, “dozens” of West Prussian Mennonites were in the 60th Motorized Division and the Panzer Group Kleist, which arrived in the Mennonite areas in 1941 (note 14).

The German victory in the city of Melitopol and Molotschna was completed on Monday, October 6, but it took another week before all would be home.

A German Rear Army Command Division (Korück) was established in Melitopol and was responsible to secure supply routes, pacify the newly occupied territory, and create transit camps for prisoners of war. Its captain Hauptmann Rottendorf ordered that ethnic German mayors be appointed and that the villages and be posted with clear signage as a “German Colony (village).” In Gnadenfeld the military command appointed a mayor who was a "well-known drunkard, illiterate, and a person of weak character”, according to scribe, Jacob Neufeld (note 15).

Rottendorf was concerned with infractions by allied Romanian soldiers, the plundering of factories, warehouses and facilities in towns, and to arrest deserters and “politically unacceptable elements” (note 16). The latter were delivered directly to the S.D. in Melitopol, typically responsible for executions. The predominantly Mennonite village of Lichtenau handed over the bookkeeper of their oil press—“presumed to be a Jew”—to Rottendorf, who on the same day turned over 75 Jews to the S.D. (note 17).

On October 11, some 2,000 Jews were killed in Melitopol (note 18).

Soon those who had dug tank traps west of the Dnieper returned home. “[M]any walked barefooted; others wrapped rags around their feet to ease some of the soreness and keep them warm. As they followed the German army they begged for food from the Ukrainian people and slept in straw stacks” (note 19). A group returned to Wernersdorf on October 10; on October 12 Rottendorf found a group of “36 ethnic German refugees” in Gnadenfeld (Bogdanowka) “who had been forced by the Russians to do fortification work near Kachowka and were on their way back to their home villages” (note 20).

My mother’s oldest brothers Franz and Heinrich Bräul were among those who found their way back to Marienthal during these days. Mennonites were in shock and overwhelmed, while tremendously happy to be free fom the NKVD and Stalin's Bolshevik reign of terror. 

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Otto Dirks, Memories that Shape the Future: An Autobiography (Self-Published; no date), 23.

Note 2: Horst Gerlach, Die Rußlandmennoniten: Ein Volk unterwegs, vol. 1, 5th edition (Kirchheimbolanden, Pfalz: Self-published, 2008), 89; Gerhard Lohrenz, ed., Lose Blätter, III. Teil (Winnipeg, MB: Self-published, 1976), 128; Anne Giesbrecht Fast and Hans Fast, Two Lives, One Faith. The Memoirs of Anne Giesbrecht Fast and Hans Fast (Waterloo, ON: Self-published, 2006), 59.

Note 3: Johann Rehan, “Etwas aus der Vergangenheit” 1992/1995. Copy of hand-written memoir in author’s possession. Rehan was living in Schardau.

Note 4: Katie Friesen, Into the Unknown (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1986), 37; also Helene Dueck, Durch Trübsal und Not (Winnipeg, MB: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1995), 35, https://archive.org/details/durch-truebsal-und-not/mode/2up.

Note 5: Dirks, Memories that Shape the Future, 21.

Note 6: Susanna Toews, Trek to Freedom: The Escape of Two Sisters from South Russia during World War II, translated by Helen Megli (Winkler, MB: Heritage Valley, 1976), 17f.; cf. also Jacob A. Neufeld, Path of Thorns: Soviet Mennonite Life under Communist and Nazi Rule, edited by H. L. Dyck, translated by H. L. Dyck and S. Dyck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 214f.

Note 7: A. A. Toews, ed., Mennonitische Märtyrer der jüngsten Vergangenheit und der Gegenwart, vol. 2: Der große Leidensweg (North Clearbrook, BC: Self-published, 1954), 189; also reported in Gerhard Lohrenz, ed., Lose Blätter, vol. 3 (Winnipeg, MB: Self-published, 1976), 128f.

Note 8: Horst Gerlach, Die Rußlandmennoniten: Ein Volk unterwegs, vol. 1, 5th edition (Kirchheimbolanden (Pfalz): Self-published, 2008), 90; Elisabeth Heidebrecht Steffen, “Wernersdorf.” Mennonitische Geschichte und Ahnenforschung, 1, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/kb/wernd7.pdf; Dirks, Memories that Shape the Future, 22.

Note 9: Selma Kornelsen Hooge and Anna Goossen Kornelsen, Life Before Canada (Abbotsford, BC: Self-published, 2018), 50.

Note 10: Hooge and Kornelsen tell the same story (Life Before Canada, 52).

Note 11: Hooge and Kornelsen, Life Before Canada, 52.

Note 12: Albert Dahl, interview with author, July 26, 2017.

Note 13: For a map of military movements with commentary, cf. Gerlach, Rußlandmennoniten I, 89.

Note 14: Gerlach, Rußlandmennoniten I, 90.

Note 15: J. Neufeld, Path of Thorns, 220.

Note 16: Rottendorf, Korück 553, Sonder-Befehl, October 17, 1941, Bundesarchiv RH 23/78, no. 30 [60], https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/direktlink/f45f2bf5-8a76-4fb2-b85a-e36717dd72af/. Cf. related memoirs, e.g., Hooge and Kornelsen, Life Before Canada, 54.

Note 17: Rottendorf, Korück 553, Telegram to Nikolajew, October 16, 1941, Bundesarchiv RH 23/78, no. 37 [74].

Note 18: Alexander Kruglov, “Jewish losses in Ukraine, 1941–1944,” in The Shoah in Ukraine: History, Testimony, Memorialization, edited by Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008), 255.

Note 19: Helmut Huebert, Molotschna Historical Atlas (Winnipeg, MB: Springfield, 2003), 181, https://archive.org/details/MolotschnaHistoricalAtlasOCRopt. See also account by Anna Braun who with two other women and six men moved 700 head of cattle east across the Dnieper from Neu-Chortitza, but also escaped back (“Neu-Chortitza [Baratov] Dorfbericht,” 10, in Stumpp, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp,” BA R6/623, Mappe 184, May 1942, https://tsdea.archives.gov.ua/deutsch/gallery.php?tt=R_6_623+Rayon%3A+Sofijevka%0D%0AKreisgebiet%3A+Pjatichatki%0D%0AGenerelbezirk%3A+Dnjepropetrowsk+Dorf%3A+Neu-Chortitza%0D%0Arussisch+%E2%80%93+Nowo-Chortitza+&p=R_6_623%5C%D1%823_510-593%0D%0A#lg=1&slide=0).

Note 20: Rottendorf, Kontrolle des Strassenverkehrs, October 13, 1941, BA RH 23/78, no. 55b [111]; Steffen, “Wernersdorf,” 2.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Molotschna Liberation, October 1941," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 12, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/molotschna-liberation-october-1941.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

The Jewish Colony (Judenplan) and its Mennonite Agriculturalists

Both Jews and Mennonites in Russia were dependent on separation, distinct external appearance, unique dialect, inner group cohesion, international familial networks, self-governing institutions, a sojourner mentality, sense of divine mission, and a view of the other as unclean or dangerous. Each had its distinct legal privileges, restrictions, and duties under the Tsar, and each looked out for their own. For both, moderation, spiritual values, family, learning and success were important, and their related dialects made communication possible. But the traditional occupation of eastern European Jews was as “middlemen” between the “overwhelmingly agricultural Christian population and various urban markets,” as peddlers, shopkeepers and suppliers of goods ( note 1 ). Jews were forbidden to stay for longer periods in German colonies or to erect houses or shops there. “If they try to stay, they are to be reported immediately. If they are not, the German mayor will be held responsible” ( no...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

Formidable Fräulein Marga Bräul (1919–2011)

Fräulein Bräul left an indelible mark on two generations of high school students in the Mennonite Colony of Fernheim, Paraguay. Former students and acquaintances recall that Marga Bräul demanded the highest effort and achievements of her students, colleagues and of herself—the kind of teacher you either love or hate but will never forget! In March 1947, Marga was offered a position at the Fernheim Secondary School ( Zentralschule ). A recent refugee to Paraguay from war-torn Europe, she taught mathematics, physics, and chemistry. In 1952, she was the only female faculty member ( note 1 ). Marga wedded a strong commitment to academics with a passion for quality arts and crafts. She provided extensive extra-curricular instruction to students in handiwork and was especially renowned for her artwork—which included painting and woodworking— end of year art exhibits with students, theatre sets, and festival decorations. Marga’s pedagogical philosophy was holistic; she told Mennonite ed...

The Beginnings: Some Basics

The sixteenth-century ancestors of Russian Mennonites were largely Anabaptists from the Low Countries. Because their new vision of church called for voluntary membership marked by adult baptism upon confession of faith, they became one of the most persecuted groups of the Protestant Reformation ( note 1 ). For a millennium re-baptism ( a na -baptism) had been considered a heresy punishable by death ( note 2 ), and again in 1529 the Imperial Diet of Speyer called for the “brutal” punishment for those who did not recognize infant baptism. Many of the earliest Anabaptist cells were found in Belgium and The Netherlands--part of the larger Habsburg Empire ruled after 1555 by “the Most Catholic of Kings,” Philip II of Spain. The North Sea port cities of the Low Countries had some limited freedoms and were places for both commercial and cultural exchange; ships arrived daily not only from other Hanseatic League like Danzig, but also from Florence, Venice and Genoa, the Americas and the Far Ea...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...