Skip to main content

Flooding and Mennonites: A Common Thread

In November 2021 many Mennonites in the Fraser Valley of British Columbia were impacted by disastrous flooding. The mayor of Abbotsford—the worst-hit city—as well as the local Member of Parliament were Mennonites. Many Mennonites across Canada had family members who are directly impacted. 

Flood stories have been an important thread in the Prussian-Russian Mennonite story. How have Mennonites responded? Mutual aid stands out. For Menno Simons, it was “the only sign whereby a true Christian may be known” (note 1). 

In 1562, “Dutch people of the Mennonite religion” were specifically invited by the Polish banking house Loysen to settle on the “Tiegenhoff part of the Vistula Delta” to rebuild dikes partially destroyed by huge floods (1540 and 1543) and wars, and to drain low-lying lagoons and swamps over large blocks of land (note 2). The Tiege River—a branch of the Vistula—was at or below sea level. 

Dams and ditches along the Nogat and Vistula rivers had been constructed for at least three centuries before Mennonites arrived, and the waters consistently had free run over the entire flood plain and its sparse population. Where lands had been won from “swamp” and sea after some years of labour, the rivers regularly and massively pushed back and spilled their banks (note 3). 

From The Netherlands Mennonites brought skills to construct unique windmills that continuously pumped out water from the lowest points, and they designed and built complex systems of canals and sub-canals to discharge the water. The land had to be dried, cleared and strategically sloped to control water run-off and to protect from flooding. 

Because of the enormous labour required, with little capital for construction, and the danger of swamp fever, up to eighty percent of the first settlers died prematurely. In some places it took a century—three generations—to create a stable or fruitful agricultural region and, of necessity, a sense of community (note 4). The conditions helped to birth significant Mennonite-Christian social experiments of mutual aid. 

Mennonite newcomers from Holland normally became members of a Mennonite drainage company and village leasing association with common obligations to maintain the dams. Long-term leases valid for thirty to forty years encouraged the development of the land (note 5).

When a dike in the Vistula Delta broke and caused severe flooding in 1622, two “Dutchmen”—Andreas Bril and Hendrik Penner—appeared before the Polish King on behalf of the residents of Tiege to inquire regarding obligations for maintenance on the main dike (note 6). 

In 1642 the first Mennonite Privilegium was issued, which guaranteed broad privileges and which recognized the Mennonite economic contribution to the kingdom—especially with respect to flooding and the creation of dams: 

"We are all well aware of the manner in which the ancestors of the Mennonite inhabitants of the Marienburg islands (Werder), both large and small, were invited here with the knowledge and by the will of the gracious King Sigismund Augustus, to areas that were barren, swampy and unusable places in those islands. With great effort and at very high cost, they made these lands fertile and productive. They cleared out the brush, and, in order to drain the water from these flooded and marshy lands, they built mills and constructed dams to guard against flooding by the Vistula, Nogat, Haff, Tiege, and other streams." (Note 7)


Inundations were also a weapon of war. In the 1655-1660 Polish-Swedish War, intentional breaching of embankments was ordered by the Swedish King Carolus Gustavus. The Swedes did the same 25 years earlier (Note 8). 

As water levels varied, so did the local responses to natural disasters. After dams broke causing lands to flood in 1667, a powerful government official for Pomerelia near Danzig argued that God was now punishing Poland and Danzig for its tolerance of Anabaptists. The official found broad support among the nobles in parliament for a plan to deport all Mennonites, which did not come to pass (note 9). 

In 1736–37 the area again experienced catastrophic flooding (note 10) and two contemporary historians noted Protestant and Catholic neighbours were also recipients of “good deeds from the hands of Mennonites” (note 11). 

In all cases when flooding occurred, aid from co-religionists from The Netherlands was unfailing. 

Flooding in Russia

Mennonites in New Russia settled where water could be easily obtained—first along the mighty Dnieper River. Unlike in Polish-Prussia, surface water here was “scarce and the water-layer in the ground very deep.” As a result, Mennonite villages were not in the centre of their designated lands, but adjacent to rivers or streams (note 12). 

Over millennia the course of the Dnieper River had shifted. The path of the ancient Dnieper still flows around the western side of the Island of Chortitza, but at one time it went through the valley where Mennonites first established the village of Einlage. What settlers did not know was that spring high water occasionally rushes into that ancient riverbed. 

With high water in 1820, the Mennonite villages of Chortitza Island, Rosenthal, and the lower part of Einlage flooded. At some point a small dam was built at Einlage to prevent further flood damage. Again in 1829 and 1841, Rosenthal flooded, but the damage was mostly confined to their lower gardens. 

In 1845, however, the Dnieper rose to record levels and Einlage, Rosenthal, Chortitza Island, and Nieder-Chortitza suffered severe damage. 

Most famously Einlage was “completely overrun by the rupture of its dam, and 20 houses were destroyed. Damages totaled 8,922 Rubles.” By 1848, these houses had all been relocated, “partly with cash support, partly with voluntary contributions. The height of the dam was also raised significantly. The buildings and equipment of the community distillery were also severely damaged, with a loss amounting to 2,409 Rubles.” North of Einlage the Frisian Mennonite village of Kronsgarten was also severely damaged and was relocated by 1 kilometer on to adjacent higher ground. (This section is adapted mostly from the colony history written in 1848; note 13). 

Rosenthal suffered damages of 2,491 Rubles. It too had built a dam at the lower end of the valley to prevent an overflow of the river into its village. The hayfields on the village lowlands were covered with silt from the flood. Afterwards only four farmsteads could be relocated due to limited space. 

On the Island of Chortitza, several of the houses were almost up to their roofs with water in 1845, but remained standing because the current did not hit them directly. Damage was estimated at 430 Rubles. But the community suffered greater damage from silt on the largest and best part of its hayfields. The houses could not be relocated because of lack of space. The road along the shore, however, was raised significantly. 

In the 1845 flood Nieder-Chortiza was also mostly under water, and suffered total damages of 1,221 Rubles. Because of the great effort and expense involved in relocation, the community chose instead to protect itself for the future with an earthen dike. 

The much smaller Molotschna River—really more of a stream with a broad flood-plain—surprised Mennonites in the first year of settlement, 1804. With a sudden melt, water cannot soak into the frozen ground, and causes the river’s water to spill onto a large flood plain. After one year in its original location, the village of Altenau was relocated further from the river (note 14). Twenty-eight years later the village of Fischau, also on the Molotschna, was similarly moved. Eighty years later the Tokmak River that feeds into the Molotschna, overflowed in 1912. In the City of Tokmak, immediately adjacent to Ladekop, 200 houses were flooded and collapsed. Further upstream the Mennonite village of Liebenau had water on the streets, and Klippenfeld’s low-lying gardens were flooded (note 15). Flooding happened again in 1915, and Halbstadt’s streets were under water.

These are some of the key episodes of flooding in the Prussian-Russian Mennonite story. Expert technical response, local adaptations and mitigation, as well as a theology of mutual aid defined each chapter. 

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes--- 

Illustration: 1888 flooding of the Nogat River at Janowka, https://www.przewodnikelblag.pl/pl/blog/historia-jednego-zdjecia. “Petershagen Land Lease Contract (Pachtvertrag), 1635,” https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/elecrec586/PetershagenPachtvertrag1635GdanskFond779DSygn137/IMG_3285.JPG

Note 1: Menno Simons, Complete Writings of Menno Simons, edited by J. C. Wenger (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1984); 558, 559. Older online version edited by John Funk, “A Humble and Christian Defense,” IV, Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, IN, 1871), http://www.mennosimons.net/ft118-defense.html. Cf. also Peter J. Klassen, “The History of Mennonite Mutual Aid,” Proceedings of All-Mennonite Conference on Christian Mutual Aid, B1–B9. Smithville, OH, June 4–6, 1964. 

Note 2: For this early period, cf. Peter J. Klassen, Mennonites in Early Modern Poland and Prussia (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009). For the history of Vistula River flooding, cf. Jerzy Cyerski, Marek Grzes et al., “History of floods on the River Vistula,” Hydrological Sciences Journal 51, no. 5 (2006), 799-817, https://doi.org/10.1623/hysj.51.5.799

Note 3: Reinhold Curicken, Der Stadt Dantzig: Historische Beschreibung (Amsterdam/ Dantzigk: Janssons, 1687), 138, https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10805961_00011.html

Note 4: See notes 5, 6 and 7 below. On what was grown, cf. Fynes Moryson, Itinerary of Fynes Moryson, vol. 4 (Glasgow: MacLehose, 1908), 69f., https://archive.org/details/itinerarycontain04moryuoft/page/68

Note 5: See Heinrich Donner and Johann Donner, Orlofferfelde Chronik, page 3, transcribed by Werner Janzen, 2010. From MLA-B, Prussian-Polish sources (online), https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/cong_303/ok63/orlofferfeldechronik.html.  Cf. Karl-Heinz Ludwig, Zur Besiedlung des Weichseldeltas durch die Mennoniten. Die Siedlungen der Mennoniten im Territorium der Stadt Elbing und in der Ökonomie Marienburg bis zur Übernahme der Gebiete durch Preußen 1772 (Marburg/Lahn: Herder-Institut, 1961), http://ostdok.de/id/BV007004581/ft/bsb00096853?page=9&c=solrSearchOstdok

Note 6: Horst Penner, Ansiedlung mennonitischer Niederländer im Weichselmündungsgebiet von der Mitte des 16. Jh. bis zum Beginn der Preussischen Zeit (Weierhof: Mennonitischer Geschichtsverein, 1940), 57, http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=33883 (English translation by Tim Flaming and Glenn Penner: https://www.mharchives.ca/download/3408/). For historical maps of Mennonite villages of the region, search by village in Brent Wiebe's collection: https://trailsofthepast.com/all-in-one-map/

Note 7: Cited in Peter J. Klassen, A Homeland for Strangers. An Introduction to Mennonites in Poland and Prussia, rev’d ed (Fresno, CA: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1989), 1f., https://archive.org/details/ahomeland-for-strangers-an-introduction-to-mennonites-in-poland-and-prussia-revised-ocr.

Note 8: See previous post, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/02/flooding-as-weapon-of-war-1657.html

Note 9: Anna Brons, Ursprung, Entwickelung und Schicksale der Taufgesinnten oder Mennoniten in kurzen Zügen (Norden, 1884), 258f., https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/books/

Note 10: Cf. Horst Quiring, “Ein Notjahr in Westpreußen,” Christlicher Gemeinde-Kalender 47 (1938) 70–73. https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Christlicher%20Gemeinde-Kalender/1933-1941/DSCF7096.JPG

Note 11: Georg von Reiswitz and Friedrich Wadzeck, Beiträge zur Kenntniß der Mennoniten-Gemeinden in Europa und Amerika, Part I (Berlin, 1821), 42f. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/009717700. 

Note 12: David G. Rempel, “The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia. A study of their settlement and economic development from 1789–1914,” PhD dissertation, Stanford Un,iversity, 1933, 110, https://archive.org/details/themennonitecoloniesinnewrussiaastudyoftheirsettlementandeconomicdevelopmentfrom1789to1914ocr

Note 13: Heinrich Heese, “Das Chortitzer Mennonitengebiet 1848. Kurzgefasste geschichtliche Übersicht der Gründung und des Bestehens der Kolonien des Chortitzer Mennonitenbezirkes,” https://chortitza.org/Ber1848.php#Eg; also Heinrich Bergen, ed., Einlage/ Kitschkas, 1789–1943: Ein Denkmal (Regina, SK: Self-published, 2008), 36-37; and Nick J. Kroeker, Erste Mennoniten Doerfer Russlands 1789–1943: Chortitza–Rosental (Vancouver, BC: Self-published, 1981), 209, and map of Chortitza and Rosental with local dams and ancient river bed, p. 204.

Note 14: M. Woltner, ed., Die Gemeindeberichte von 1848 der deutschen Siedlungen am Schwarzen Meer (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1941), 113, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/kb/woltner.pdf.

Note 15: Cf. Helmut Huebert, Mennonites in the Cities of Imperial Russia, vol. 2 (Winnipeg, MB: Springfield, 2008), 398, https://archive.org/details/MennonitesInTheCitiesOfImperialRussiaVolTwoOCRopt/page/n423/; idem, Molotschna Historical Atlas (Winnipeg, MB: Springfield, 2003), 153. https://archive.org/details/MolotschnaHistoricalAtlasOCRopt.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Flooding and Mennonites: A Common Thread," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), November 5, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/11/flooding-and-mennonites-common-thread.html

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Ukraine Independence--Russian Aggression--German Interests (1918)

The semi-autonomous Ukrainian People's Republic was established shortly after Russia's February Revolution in 1917. Much was still fluid, however. After the October Bolshevik Revolution the Central Rada of Ukraine in Kyiv declared full state independence from the Russian Republic on January 22, 1918. The Ukrainian People's Republic negotiated an end to its participation in Great War, and on February 9, 1918 signed a protectorate treaty in Brest-Litovsk. On February 17, Ukraine appealed to Germany and Austria-Hungary for assistance to repel Russian Bolshevik “invaders,” to detach Ukraine from Russia, and to establish conditions of stability. The World War had not yet ended. Imperialist Germany was desperate for grain and natural resources from Ukraine, eager to end the war in the east while containing Russia, and determined to establish post-war markets for German goods, technologies and influence ( note 1 ). For its part the Russian Bolshevik regime was eager to save ...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

Outrage in Canada: Ukrainian in Waffen-SS honoured in Parliament. Mennonite Connections

As an historic peace church, Russian Mennonite congregations in Canada never celebrated “their veterans” who had volunteered with the Waffen-SS or Wehrmacht in complex times; hundreds did however volunteer to protect and defend their corner of Ukraine from a new era of Moscow-based Bolshevism. Some later self-identified as "The Lost Generation." German Prussian Mennonites in contrast understood that heritage differently and celebrated the “Heroes' Day Memorial” service anually until 1945. After 1945 Germany appropriately renamed their remembrance day as Volkstrauertag —the People’s Day of Mourning ( note 1 ). Many descendents live in Canada. A parallel Ukrainian story made the news in Canada in September 2023. The Speaker of the House of Commons invited a 98-year-old Ukrainian-Canadian war veteran to a joint session of Parliament for the visit and address by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky on September 22.  Without good vetting by the Speaker, the guest was laud...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Shaky Beginings as a Faith Community

With basic physical needs addressed, in 1805 Chortitza pioneers were ready to recover their religious roots and to pass on a faith identity. They requested a copy of Menno Simons’ writings from the Danzig mother-church especially for the young adults, “who know only what they hear,” and because “occasionally we are asked about the founder whose name our religion bears” ( note 1 ). The Anabaptist identity of this generation—despite the strong Mennonite publications in Prussia in the late eighteenth century—was uninformed and very thin. Settlers first arrived in Russia 1788-89 without ministers or elders. Settlers had to be content with sharing Bible reflections in Low German dialect or a “service that consisted of singing one song and a sermon that was read from a book of sermons” written by the recently deceased East Prussian Mennonite elder Isaac Kroeker ( note 2 ). In the first months of settlement, Chortitza Mennonites wrote church leaders in Prussia:  “We cordially plead ...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

From USSR to Cherrywood Station: Mennonites winter in Markham-Stouffville, 1924

On September 26, 1924, 126 Russian Mennonite passengers disembarked the S. S. Melita at Quebec City ( note 1 ). They were among some 20,000 Mennonites who could immigrate to Canada from the Soviet Union in the 1920s. A number of these families received train cards to Cherrywood (Pickering) and Locust Hill (Markham) stations, where they were received by Markham area Mennonites. The Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization (CMBC) registration forms record each family's travel dates as well as their "first place of arrival" in Canada. The attached artifacts—a few pages from the financial records booklet kept by Markham-Stouffville treasurer J. L. Grove, plus some correspondence—profile concretely the level of support of this community north-east of Toronto for co-religionists fleeing the Soviet Union. Mennonites in Ontario had been well informed of the relief needs in Russia since 1921 and plans for mass immigration ( note 2 ). In April 1924 the local Stouffville Tribune ...

Four-Part Singing in Mennonite Schools and Church in Russia

The significance of singing instruction may seem trite, but it became a key vehicle in the Mennonite school curriculum for fostering a basic appreciation of the arts and for faith formation. In Johann Cornies’ circulated guidelines for teachers, singing was recommended as a means “to stimulate and enliven pious feelings” in the children—a guideline he copied directly from a German Catholic pedagogue and circulated freely under his own name ( note 1 ).  On January 26, 1846 Cornies distributed a curriculum regulation to all schools that mandated “singing by numbers ( Zahlen ) from the church hymnal” ( note 2 ). Attention to singing instruction in the schools precipitated significant and controversial changes in Mennonite liturgy. An 1854 visiting observer to the Bergthal Colony—a Chortitza daughter colony outside of Cornies’ purview—wrote: “Endlessly long hymns from the Gesangbuch (hymnal) were begun by the Vorsänger (song leader) of the congregation, and sung with so many flo...

Ukrainian Famine and Genocide (Holodomor), 1932-1933

In 2008 the Canadian Parliament passed an act declaring the fourth Saturday in November as “Ukrainian Famine and Genocide (‘Holodomor’) Memorial Day” ( note 1 ). Southern Ukraine was arguably the worst affected region of the famine of 1932–33, where 30,000 to 40,000 Mennonites lived ( note 2 ). The number of famine-related deaths in Ukraine during this period are conservatively estimated at 3.5 million ( note 3 ). In the early 1930s Stalin feared growing “Ukrainian nationalism” and the possibility of “losing Ukraine” ( note 4 ). He was also suspicious of ethnic Poles and Germans—like Mennonites—in Ukraine, convinced of the “existence of an organized counter-revolutionary insurgent underground” in support of Ukrainian national independence ( note 5 ). Ukraine was targeted with a “lengthy schooling” designed to ruthlessly break the threat of Ukrainian nationalism and resistance, and this included Ukraine’s Mennonites (viewed simply as “Germans”). Various causes combined to bring on w...