Skip to main content

Franz Bräul Jr., 1922-1954. Death in Soviet Gulag

Recently I noted to someone born in the Soviet Union that my uncle starved to death in a Soviet gulag after the war. She immediately asked how I knew this. Good question!

It is a sad but also surprising, almost unbelievable, story.

In 1946, prisoners of war (POWs) and interned German civilians occupied 267 forced labour camps, 392 labour battalions and 178 “special hospitals” over the whole territory of the Soviet Union. The forced labour of Germans was considered by the USSR to be part of the German war reparations for damage inflicted during the war.

A decade later with the political transition from Stalin to Khrushchev, the remaining POW labour camps were closed and the last German POWs were released.

My mother’s brother Franz Bräul Jr. had been imprisoned in one of these camps after being captured in German uniform in 1945. Just before my uncle died (1954), he instructed his fellow POW Fritz (Franz) Müller, “If you are able to write to your relatives, then please ask them to find my mother and siblings and tell them that I died.”

In 1956 this friend inquired by a family near the prison (many Russo-Germans had been forcibly settled in that region) if they knew anyone with the name “Bräul”. They did not, but nonetheless he gave them a slip of paper with the notice of Franz’s death before leaving for Germany.

Sometime later a Mennonite woman named Maria Duerksen came from a neighbouring village to visit this family. A child was playing with a box of papers. Maria Duerksen happened to glance down at one of the papers and said, “Where did you get this from? I know him, I went to school with him!” She had been in school with Franz in Marienthal many years earlier.

A small miracle? What are the chances!

She took that paper with her and could eventually contact a Marienthal family in British Columbia, Canada. My mother and grandmother arrived from Paraguay to Canada in 1955; in 1957 they received a letter from that B.C. family telling my Oma that they had received a note from this former Marienthaler in the USSR indicating that Franz had died. My uncle Walter remembered that when the news came “it was so sad – as if he had just died.” Unfortunately, there is no picture of Franz as a teenager or adult, but there is this fragmentary story.

Apparently he was captured by the Americans, was handed over to the Soviets and then sent to a Siberian POW forced labour camp.

The extremely harsh and brutal conditions of the gulags are well-documented. In the German military Franz was trained as a medic with skills to aid, heal and comfort others. Perhaps he was able to help other POWs who shared his horrible fate. Thankfully in prison he had a friend who clearly cared for him and his memory.

Otherwise we know nothing about these nine years as a POW; perhaps over time more information may be forthcoming.

My mother was 15 years younger than her brother Franz; he was the oldest and she the youngest (b. 1937).

In early Fall of 1944, Franz’s division was active in the Germanic Siebenbürger Sachsen region (Transylvania) of Romania where the Red Army was making significant in-roads. During this time he sent his little sister (my mother) the postcard below, “zum Angedenken,” that is, to remember him.

Their cousin Aron Bräul who was in the same unit recalled the care he received from Franz for his shrapnel wounds. Franz received the “Iron Cross” for outstanding bravery above and beyond the call of duty because he pulled his wounded commanding officer out of the line of fire; he also received the “War Merit Cross” for outstanding and exceptional medical service (note 1).

Because he saved the life of his commanding officer, Franz was awarded a special three-day leave of absence to visit his family in the latter half of 1944. Only a few hours after Franz’s visit had ended joy turned to grief: an express letter arrived at his mother’s home sent from the front from brother Heinrich (also in the same unit) warning Franz not to return to their last posting because the Soviet army had advanced. The warning was too late and Franz’s train had left. My grandmother was devastated.

From a military dispatch we know that on September 27, 1944, Franz was wounded in Lechnitz (Lechinta), Romania on his right knee and lower leg by an explosive missile fragment. Ten days earlier on September 17, 1944 this ethnic-German village (about 400 kilometers east of Budapest) was evacuated by the German military due to the rapidly advancing Red Army. The dispatch notes that Franz remained with his unit.


In those weeks Soviet forces roared through Romania to the Hungarian border (note 2). In Budapest Franz’s division was involved in extremely heavy fighting. On February 11, 1945, the division was wholly destroyed.

The Molotschna cavalry regiment of which my uncle Franz Bräul, his brother Heinrich and cousin Aron had been members was partially disbanded in April 1944 upon arrival in German-annexed Poland. One hundred and eighty were selected from this number to be sent to Warsaw and to become part of the cavalry division “Florian Geyer”. The division had three regiments and each regiment had six squadrons.

From the military dispatch we know that Franz had been a member of the “2nd Squadron Armoured Vehicle Reconnaissance Unit No. 8,” attached to the “8th Cavalry-Division Florian Geyer” (note 3). There was a certain irony for Mennonite boys to be placed in the “Florian Geyer” division; Geyer was a radical leader during the sixteenth century Protestant Reformation who joined with Thomas Müntzer (note 4)—an early Anabaptists!—to fight for more than just clerical reforms. Some leaders like Menno Simons refused to take up arms; Florian Geyer however established a cavalry division to fight on the side of the peasants.

Reconnaissance (or “scouting”) units rarely engaged in open battle but operated ahead of the main division—sometimes twenty to forty kilometres into “enemy territory”—to collect data and information to determine the actions and intensions of the opposing army. Their goal was to remain undetected and thus avoid any contact with the “enemy”. “Mostly the cars were well camouflaged and used all available natural cover” (note 5). Soon Franz was promoted to the rank of “Storm-trooper.”

We do not know exactly how he was captured. Isaac Regehr, one of the Molotschna soldiers in the same division who survived the war, does tell briefly how the American troops delivered as many 18,000 prisoners to the Soviets in that area. Regehr recalled that the Soviet guards demanded that all Russian-born “traitors who had fought in the German army were to rise … . Some eighteen men rose to their feet [Regehr remained seated] … . By the end of the day the ‘traitors’ were shot” (note 6).

Similarly Eduard Reimer of the same regiment wrote that by many accounts the fate of German POWs in the Soviet Union was worse than death, especially for those born in the east like Franz. “Those who finally did fall into the hands of the victorious Soviets had to empty the cup of suffering to the very dregs. Merciless beatings and in many instances a cruel death was their lot” (note 7).

Though the description of Franz’s war years are the most detailed in his life story, they are only three years, from age twenty to twenty-three. It would be misguided to glorify these years, as adventuresome as they were. 

Franz Bräul Jr. was born at the height of the 1922 famine in Molotschna—saved by MCC aid—, survived the famine of 1932, and died of starvation at the age thirty-two. Franz lived his whole life enmeshed in the inhospitable webs spun by Hitler and Stalin, and was directly damaged, drawn into, and ultimately destroyed by their schemes.

Eduard Reimer described his generation as “the Lost Generation.” Franz’s life and finally his death in a Soviet gulag sadly embodied this descriptor.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: From the Deutsche Dienststelle für die Benachrichtigung der nächsten Angehörigen von Gefallenen der ehemaligen deutschen Wehrmacht, Berlin, Germany regarding an inquiry about Franz Bräul (File: VI111 Bräul, Franz, Fritz; 10.09.1922) to Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, dated Feb. 22, 2008.

Note 2: For a detailed first-hand account by a fellow Mennonite soldier, cf. Eduard Allert [pseud., Abram Reimer], “The Lost Generation,” The Lost Generation and other Stories, edited by Gerhard Lohrenz (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1982), ch. 6 (“In Hungary”).

Note 3: A short book with pictures has been published recently on this division: Charles Trang, Florian Geyer Division (Heimdal, 2001).

Note 4: Cf. GAMEO.org and Wikipedia on Thomas Müntzer and Florian Geyer.

Note 5: Cited in Bryan Perret, German Armoured Cars and Reconnaissance Half-Tracks 1939-45 (Osprey New Vanguard, September 1999).

Note 6: Isaac Regehr, in Road to Freedom: Mennonites Escape the Land of Suffering, edited by Harry Loewen (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2000), 111.

Note 7: Allert, “The Lost Generation,” 6f.

--

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Franz Bräul Jr., 1922-1954. Death in Soviet Gulag," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), October 21, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/10/franz-braul-jr-1922-1954-death-in.html

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

A Mennonite Pandemic Spirituality, 1830-1831

Asiatic Cholera broke out across Russia in 1829 and ‘30, and further into Europe in 1831. It began with an infected battalion in Orenburg ( note 1 ), and by early Fall 1830 the disease had reached Moscow and the capital. Russia imposed drastic quarantine measures. Much like today, infected regions were cut off and domestic trade was restricted. The disease reached the Molotschna River district in Fall 1830, and by mid-December hundreds of Nogai deaths were recorded in the villages adjacent to the Mennonite colony, leading state authorities to impose a strict quarantine. When the Mennonite Johann Cornies—a state-appointed agricultural supervisor and civic leader—first became aware of the nearby cholera-related deaths, he recommended to the Mennonite District Office on December 6, 1830 to stop traffic and prevent random contacts with Nogai. For Cornies it was important that the Mennonite community do all it can keep from carrying the disease into the community, though “only God knows...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

The Beginnings: Some Basics

The sixteenth-century ancestors of Russian Mennonites were largely Anabaptists from the Low Countries. Because their new vision of church called for voluntary membership marked by adult baptism upon confession of faith, they became one of the most persecuted groups of the Protestant Reformation ( note 1 ). For a millennium re-baptism ( a na -baptism) had been considered a heresy punishable by death ( note 2 ), and again in 1529 the Imperial Diet of Speyer called for the “brutal” punishment for those who did not recognize infant baptism. Many of the earliest Anabaptist cells were found in Belgium and The Netherlands--part of the larger Habsburg Empire ruled after 1555 by “the Most Catholic of Kings,” Philip II of Spain. The North Sea port cities of the Low Countries had some limited freedoms and were places for both commercial and cultural exchange; ships arrived daily not only from other Hanseatic League like Danzig, but also from Florence, Venice and Genoa, the Americas and the Far Ea...