Skip to main content

Mennonite Labour Protests, 1905

It is rare that Mennonites make the news for their protests to pressure government or industry. Here is one example.

The agricultural machinery factories in in the Greater Zaporozhzhia-Alexandrovsk economic zone—including the villages of Chortitza, Einlage, Osterwick, and Schönwiese—were places of significant labour unrest in the early 1900s (note 1).

In February and March 1905 factory workers mobilized at the Mennonite factories of Schulz, and of Lepp and Wallmann in Alexandrovsk, where the following demands were made:

  • an 8-hour workday
  • a weekly or bi-weekly pay schedule
  • courteous treatment of employees
  • immunity from punishment for elected labour representatives
  • minimum wages
  • no child labour
  • appropriate equipment for moving heavy weights
  • free family medical care
  • free schooling for children
  • workmen’s compensation
  • regulation of overtime
  • factory hygiene including showers and proper air ventilation
  • lunch room facilities
  • conflict resolution mechanisms
  • the abolition of fines
  • accidental death benefits. (Note 2)

Most of the demands were not accepted by the industrial owners.

Elected labour representatives and negotiators at the Schulz plant in 1905 included Mennonites Peter B. Neufeld, Eduard Sawatzky, Heinrich Neufeld and Jacob A. Dick (note 3).

A small number of the Mennonite intelligentsia were sympathetic to these types of liberal reforms, and some were active in early revolutionary Bolshevik cells, including Cornelius Thiessen of Neuendorf, Johann Hildebrand of Neuendorf, and Peter Rempel of Nieder-Chortitza, the son of a prosperous farmer (note 4).

Mennonite factory owners initiated lockouts to break the labour uprisings and strikes of 1905 (note 5), while agitators organized at great personal risk. Cornelius Thiessen, for example, was exiled from Russia and moved with his Jewish wife to Buenos Aires, where he became a leader in the Socialist Party of Argentina. Some years later at their 1912 party congress, he reported that the party had formulated a “resolute protest against Tsarism, against Russian political [interference] in Finland and Persia, and also sent a brotherly greeting to the imprisoned Social Democratic faction of the second Duma, etc.” (note 6)—reflecting perhaps the reasons for his own activism in Russia a decade earlier. Thiessen’s published reports in the German socialist journal Die Neue Zeit reflect a nuanced understanding of Marxist theory, with significant historical knowledge and understanding of the roots of socialism—reaching back to the peasant uprisings of sixteenth-century Europe in which South German Anabaptists had their origins.

Similar labour strikes and bloody clashes were reported in Waldheim, Molotschna where Mennonite mill owners (J. J. Neufeld) suppressed strikers with the assistance of police. The workers were barred from returning to their employment and many resettled in large numbers in the Siberian village of Miloradovka in the Pavlograd District.

The ministerial had not yet grasped the gravity of the social issues of their time; few were alarmed by the resentment simmering in the country as a whole with respect to land ownership, industry, and labour-relations.

As late as 1903, the older and still influential Molotschna elder and former missionary Heinrich Dirks regarded the landless poor who complained as either impatient, lazy, or negligent. He expressed complete satisfaction with the wise Mennonite land acquisition and distribution policies, and considered loud disputes at the regional or village levels as an “evil” and a sign that some Mennonites are “not yet the quiet in the land … which does not correspond to their calling to be non-resistant” (note 7). Contemporary historian-minister P. M. Friesen noted that the Mennonite ...

“… social and economic condition was so good (if not excellent), that they could not expect anything positive for themselves from a possible, more or less radical, governmental change. To the contrary, as a genuine Christian-conservative and generally bourgeois group, ninety-nine out of one hundred Mennonites considered such words as ‘democrat,’ ‘democratic’ with suspicion, foreboding ill, and from a democracy only evil was expected.” (Note 8)

But there were clearly some Mennonite labourers in 1905 whose economic condition was not "so good," and who protested and pushed for labour rights and work-place health and safety regulations.

During this time, the soon-to-become de facto leader of Russian Mennonites for the next decades, Benjamin H. Unruh, was studying in Basel, Switzerland (1900-07). Here the “Religious Socialists” (esp. Leonhard Ragaz) were making a huge impact on “every thinking Swiss pastor”—even pointing to early Anabaptists for inspiration—but not on Unruh.

Unruh liked to tell of a meeting in those years in Basel with Lenin, who met with Russian German students. Lenin responded “warmly” to Benjamin Unruh’s speech—according to Unruh, at least!—on the economic contributions of the German colonists to Russian life but also their loyalty to the Russian people (note 9)!

Yet the visions for their respective new world foundations, and the means to achieve it, were diametrically opposed. Notably Unruh had received a large bursary for his studies from three wealthy Molotschna families.

Unruh missed the labour unrest in Russia, and the Christian socialism of Basel never shaped his account of Mennonite faith and life. For Unruh the large gap between rich and poor was not an urgent concern for Mennonite theological debate or activism—despite all the warning signs (note 10).

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Nataliya Ostasheva Venger, “The Mennonite Industrial Dynasties in Alexandrovsk,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 21 (2003), 89–108; 107, https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/887/886.

Note 2: M. Lvovsky, ed., Na barrikadah, 1905 god v Aleksandrovske (On the barricades: 1905 in Alexandrovsk) (Zaporozhzhia, 1925),120-122, https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk400.pdf.

Note 3: Lvovsky, Na barrikadah, 1905 god v Aleksandrovske, 124.

Note 4: David G. Rempel, “Mennonite Revolutionaries in the Khortitza Settlement under the Tsarist Regime as recollected by Johann G. Rempel,” Journal of Mennonite Studies 10 (1992), 70–86; 73-74. https://jms.uwinnipeg.ca/index.php/jms/article/view/589/589.

Note 5: Cf. D. Rempel, “Mennonite Revolutionaries in the Khortitza Settlement.”

Note 6: Cornelio Thiessen, “Der Sozialismus in Argentinien. Anläßlich des elften Kongresses der P.S.A. am 10., 11. und 12. November 1912,” Die Neue Zeit. Wochenschrift der Deutschen Sozialdemokratie 30, vol. 1, no. 24 (March 15, 1912), 688–693, http://library.fes.de/cgi-bin/populo/nz.pl; also idem, “Der zehnte Kongreß der sozialistischen Partei Argentiniens,” Die Neue Zeit. Wochenschrift der Deutschen Sozialdemokratie 31, vol. 1, no. 19 (February 7, 1913), 856–860, http://library.fes.de/cgi-bin/populo/nz.pl.

Note 7: Heinrich Dirks, “Die Mennoniten in Rußland,” Mennonitisches Jahrbuch 1903 1 (1904) 5–18; 6f., https://chortitza.org/Buch/MJ/MJ03-18.htm.

Note 8: Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia 1789–1910 (Winnipeg, MB: Christian, 1978), 627, https://archive.org/details/TheMennoniteBrotherhoodInRussia17891910/.

Note 9: Benjamin H. Unruh, “Einige wichtige Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben und ein Vorschlag,” 2. From Mennonite Library and Archives-Bethel College, MS. 295, folder 13, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_295/folder_13/.

Note 10: There has been some work on the Kansas Mennonite socialist J. G. Ewert who argued in 1909 that socialism is in harmony with the teachings of Jesus. Cf. James C. Juhnke, “J. G. Ewert: A Mennonite Socialist,” Mennonite Life 23, no. 1 (1968), 12–15, https://mla.bethelks.edu/mennonitelife/pre2000/1968jan.pdf. A few decades earlier, a Kleine Gemeinde radical and son of a preacher, Abraham Thiessen (1838-'89) advocated insistently on behalf of the landless in Russia, and later found his way to Nebraska where he was excommunicated. Cf. Cornelius Krahn, “Abraham Thiessen: A Mennonite Revolutionary?,” Mennonite Life 24, no. 2 (April 1969) 73–77, https://ml.bethelks.edu/store/ml/files/1969apr.pdf; and GAMEO: https://gameo.org/index.php?title=Thiessen,_Abraham_(1838-1889). In 1909, the transatlantic Mennonite-based paper Mennonitische Rundschau republished, for example, an economic prognoses of capitalist, industrial farming from the Odessa Zeitung that signaled great changes ahead: Karl Hoffman, “Ein kleiner Beitrag zur Bauernfrage,” Mennonitische Rundschau 32, no. 32 (August 11, 1909), 15, https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1909-08-11_32_32/page/14/mode/2up, based on an article by Jaroschewitsch in the Odessa Zeitung, no. 128 (1909), https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/lfrs143.pdf.

---

To cite this post: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "Mennonite Labour Protests, 1905," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), June 9, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/06/mennonite-labour-protests-1905.html

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

“The way is finally open”—Russian Mennonite Immigration, 1922-23

In a highly secretive meeting in Ohrloff, Molotschna on February 7, 1922, leaders took a decision to work to remove the entire Mennonite population of some 100,000 people out of the USSR—if at all possible ( note 1 ). B.B. Janz (Ohrloff) and Bishop David Toews (Rosthern, SK) are remembered as the immigration leaders who made it possible to bring some 20,000 Mennonites from the Soviet Union to Canada in the 1920s ( note 2 ). But behind those final numbers were multiple problems. In August 1922, an appeal was made by leaders to churches in Canada and the USA: “The way is finally open, for at least 3,000 persons who have received permission to leave Russia … Two ships of the Canadian Pacific Railway are ready to sail from England to Odessa as soon as the cholera quarantine is lifted. These Russian [Mennonite] refugees are practically without clothing … .” ( Note 3 ) Notably at this point B. B. Janz was also writing Toews, saying that he was utterly exhausted and was preparing to ...

On Becoming the Quiet in the Land

They are fair questions: “What happened to the firebrands of the Reformation? How did the movement become so withdrawn--even "dour and unexciting,” according to one historian? Mennonites originally referred to themselves as the “quiet in the land” in contrast to the militant--definitely more exciting--militant revolutionaries of Münster ( note 1 ), and identification with Psalm 35:19f.: “Let not my enemies gloat over me … For they do not speak peace, but they devise deceitful schemes against those who live quietly in the land.” How did Mennonites become the “quiet in the land” in Royal Prussia? Minority non-citizen groups in Poland like Jews, Scots, Huguenots or the much smaller body of Mennonites did not enjoy full political or economic rights as citizens. Ecclesial and civil laws left linguistic or religious minorities vulnerable to extortion. Such groups sought to negotiate a Privilegium or charter with the king, which set out a legal basis for some protections of life an...

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

1871: "Mennonite Tough Luck"

In 1868, a delegation of Prussian Mennonite elders met with Prussian Crown Prince Frederick in Berlin. The topic was universal conscription--now also for Mennonites. They were informed that “what has happened here is coming soon to Russia as well” ( note 1 ). In Berlin the secret was already out. Three years later this political cartoon appeared in a satirical Berlin newspaper. It captures the predicament of Russian Mennonites (some enticed in recent decades from Prussia), with the announcement of a new policy of compulsory, universal military service. “‘Out of the frying pan and into the fire—or: Mennonite tough luck.’ The Mennonites, who immigrated to Russia in order to avoid becoming soldiers in Prussia, are now subject to newly introduced compulsory military service.” ( Note 2 ) The man caught in between looks more like a Prussian than Russian Mennonite—but that’s beside the point. With the “Great Reforms” of the 1860s (including emancipation of serfs) the fundamentals were c...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

The Tinkelstein Family of Chortitza-Rosenthal (Ukraine)

Chortitza was the first Mennonite settlement in "New Russia" (later Ukraine), est. 1789. The last Mennonites left in 1943 ( note 1 ). During the Stalin years in Ukraine (after 1928), marriage with Jewish neighbours—especially among better educated Mennonites in cities—had become somewhat more common. When the Germans arrived mid-August 1941, however, it meant certain death for the Jewish partner and usually for the children of those marriages. A family friend, Peter Harder, died in 2022 at age 96. Peter was born in Osterwick to a teacher and grew up in Chortitza. As a 16-year-old in 1942, Peter was compelled by occupying German forces to participate in the war effort. Ukrainians and Russians (prisoners of war?) were used by the Germans to rebuild the massive dam at Einlage near Zaporizhzhia, and Peter was engaged as a translator. In the next year he changed focus and started teachers college, which included significant Nazi indoctrination. In 2017 I interviewed Peter Ha...

School Reports, 1890s

Mennonite memoirs typically paint a golden picture of schools in the so-called “golden era” of Mennonite life in Russia. The official “Reports on Molotschna Schools: 1895/96 and 1897/98,” however, give us a more lackluster and realistic picture ( note 1 ). What do we learn from these reports? Many schools had minor infractions—the furniture did not correspond to requirements, there were insufficient book cabinets, or the desks and benches were too old and in need of repair. The Mennonite schoolhouses in Halbstadt and Rudnerweide—once recognized as leading and exceptional—together with schools in Friedensruh, Fürstenwerder, Franzthal, and Blumstein were deemed to be “in an unsatisfactory state.” In other cases a new roof and new steps were needed, or the rooms too were too small, too dark, too cramped, or with moist walls. More seriously in some villages—Waldheim, Schönsee, Fabrikerwiese, and even Gnadenfeld, well-known for its educational past—inspectors recorded that pupils “do not ...