Skip to main content

Peter Bräul: Teenage Soldier in Budapest, 1945

My mother’s brother Peter Bräul was seventeen years-old on the 1,100-kilometre refugee trek out of Ukraine, 1943-44.

After two months in German-annexed Poland (Warthegau) and as a newly naturalized German citizen, Peter now eighteen eighteen-years-old, volunteered as a Black Sea ethnic German for the Waffen-SS.

Peter Dueck of Margenau, Molotschna was the same age as Peter Bräul and recalled this “remarkable incident” at boot camp in Warthegau.

“A German officer questioned the young recruits: ‘And who of you would not serve the Third Reich voluntarily?’ I think it was a shock for all of us. Out of 500 only 3 men lifted their hand. They were asked to come to the front. Officer: ‘And what reason do you have not to serve the Third Reich voluntarily? Their answer was: ‘We as Mennonites, we believe in nonresistance.’ Officer: ‘We have no use for such people. We all defend our Reich.’ They were led out to the back door and to this day I would still like to know what was their verdict.” (Note 1)

Their military preparations in the nearby city of Exin (Kcynia) included worldview training. The officer “tried to implant hatred of Jews in us. Most of would have preferred to sleep during the lecture. But doing 200 or 250 knee bends, holding the rifle in front at arm’s length, made us hate him more than the Jews,” as Peter Dueck recalled years later (note 2). After completion of military training mid-summer 1944 (note 3), the young men were deemed battle-ready and sent by train to join the 3rd Panzer Grenadier Regiment 19/ 9th Division. Shortly thereafter this tank division was given orders to put down the “Warsaw Uprising” in Fall 1944 and to push back the advancing Soviet Red Army. Within a few months the division was redeployed to assist German units in Hungary. Eduard Reimer recalled the arrival of some very young Molotschna boys to this division:

“Our casualties had been heavy and we were sent replacements. Among them were four boys from our Molotschna villages. They were not even eighteen years old and very unconcerned, certainly not realizing the mortal danger they were in. I was twenty-two years old but in comparison to them felt like a grandfather.” (Note 4)

When Budapest fell, Peter Bräul’s unit was pushed back to Hitler’s hometown of Linz, Austria. Here too the unit was soon boxed in and overpowered by combined Soviet and American forces. Three weeks later on May 9 German forces at Linz surrendered to the American 41st Tank Battalion, and survivors were handed over to the Soviets. Peter Dueck was wounded in the waning weeks days of the war.

Peter Bräul was missing in action. Over the next twelve years my grandmother, with the help of my mother, wrote many letters to the German Red Cross hoping to locate Peter.

They were not alone in their search; some 2 million German soldiers vanished without a trace, and families hoped against hope that the Red Cross would send information about their location and fate.

Thirteen years later (1958), the papers in Peter’s knapsack were identified and sent to my grandmother in Canada by the Austrian Red Cross. His identification papers have two bullet holes.

The Red Cross could confirm that on April 17 Peter was heavily wounded in battle and brought to a military hospital (Reserve Lazarett) in Linz where he died, age 19, after less than one year in uniform (note 5). The day before German troops in Berlin had surrendered unconditionally.

In Peter's backpack was an address book that included the addresses of other Mennonite Waffen-SS soldiers (Jakob Dorksen, Peter Friesen and Heinrich Peters, and his brothers Heinrich and Franz), a few cousins, and a number of girls whom he writing.

Barely given the time to grow up, and tragically with no experience of any period of life that could be called normalunder Stalin, his father was taken from the home and shot when Peter was eleven—Peter became entangled in a senseless offering to the gods of war and nationalism.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast 

---Notes---

Note 1: Robert Martens, “The Journeys of Peter Dueck,” Roots and Branches 26, no. 1 (February 2020), 14f., https://www.mhsbc.com/news/pdf/RB26-1_2020_Feb.pdf.

Note 2: Martens, “Journeys of Peter Dueck,” 15.

Note 3: The details of training are based on an account by Albert Enns, who was also conscripted in the same period of 1944; in Dorothy Siebert, Whatever it takes, 2nd ed. (Winnipeg, MB: Kindred, 2004), 4-6.

Note 4: Eduard Allert [pseud., Abram Reimer], “The Lost Generation,” in The Lost Generation and other Stories, edited by Gerhard Lohrenz (Steinbach, MB: Self-published, 1982), 75.

Note 5: This is confirmed by a letter to the author from the Berlin office of the Deutsche Dienststelle für die Benachrichtigung der nächsten Angehörigen von Gefallenen der ehemaligen deutschen Wehrmacht, regarding an inquiry about Peter Bräul, dated December 21, 2007.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, “Peter Bräul: Teenage Soldier in Budapest,” History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 13, 2023, https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/peter-braul-teenage-soldier-in-budapest.html.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Polish-Prussia? Royal Prussia? West Prussia? Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth? Notes for Clarification

The historical jurisdictions, names and political powers under which Mennonites lived since their arrival in lands that are today Poland are difficult to keep straight. However they are important for telling the story right. This post simply provides some notes for orientation with reference to the late sixteenth-century map below. Polish- or Royal Prussia comes into being with the defeat of Teutonic Knights by the Polish Crown in 1466. See the pink-shaded area of the map below. Ducal Prussia is a fiefdom of the Kingdom of Poland after 1525 (see stiped on map). In 1618, this duchy (voivodeship) is inherited by Hohenzollerns of Brandenburg, who separated it from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1657. After 1701, the Elector of Brandenburg is the “King of Prussia” when in that territory. With the First Partition of Poland in 1772, it becomes East Prussia . By 1569 Polish- or Royal Prussia was fully integrated into Kingdom of Poland and part of the larger Polish-Lithuanian...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Jews and Mennonites Together in Danzig's Suburbs

There has been very little reflection on the relationship of Jews and Mennonites in the suburb of Schottland (or Alt-Schottland or Stare Szkoty) where Mennonites first settled in the mid-1500s. Here Mennonites and Jews lived in the small community together for two centuries, quite literally on the margins outside the gates of the city of Danzig. Many historic maps that include Alt Schottland have become available in recent years ( note 1; pic ). H.G. Mannhardt’s book on the Danzig Mennonite church community plus some archival membership lists are our best sources for the Mennonite experience, while illustrations from the day bring many of those episodes of prosperity, repressions, war, plague, emigration, flooding etc. in an urban environment to life ( note 2 ). Peter J. Klassen’s writings on Mennonites in Poland and Prussia also present newer research on Mennonite life in and around Danzig in helpful ways ( note 3 ). There is one small sentence in Klassen’s larger volume that sugg...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

Invitation to the Russian Consulate, Danzig, January 19, 1788

B elow is one of the most important original Mennonite artifacts I have seen. It concerns January 19. The two land scouts Jacob Höppner and Johann Bartsch had returned to Danzig from Russia on November 10, 1787 with the Russian Immigration Agent, Georg von Trappe. Soon thereafter, Trappe had copies of the royal decree and agreement (Gnadenbrief) printed for distribution in the Flemish and Frisian Mennonite congregations in Danzig and other locations, dated December 29, 1787 ( see pic ; note 1 ). After the flyer was handed out to congregants in Danzig after worship on January 13, 1788, city councilors made the most bitter accusations against church elders for allowing Trappe and the Russian Consulate to do this; something similar had happened before ( note 2 ). In the flyer Trappe boasted that land scouts Höppner and Bartsch met not only with Gregory Potemkin, Catherine the Great’s vice-regent and administrator of New Russia, but also with “the Most Gracious Russian Monarch” herse...

Plague and Pestilence in Danzig, 1709

Russian and Prussian Mennonites trace at least 200 years of their story through Danzig and Royal Prussia, where episodes of plague and pestilence were not unfamiliar ( note 1 ). Mennonites arrived primarily from the Low Countries and in large numbers in the middle of the 16th century—approximately 750 families or 3,000 refugees and settlers between 1527 and 1578 to Danzig and Royal Prussia ( note 2 ). At this time Danzig was undergoing tremendous demographic, cultural and economic transformation, almost tripling in population in less than 100 years. With 80% of Poland’s foreign trade handled through this port city ( note 3 ), Danzig saw the arrival of new people from across Europe, many looking to find work in the crammed and bustling city ( note 4 ). Maria Bogucka’s research on Danzig in this era brings the streets of the maritime city to life: “Sanitation facilities were inadequate … The level of personal hygiene was low. Most people lived close together: five or six to a room, sle...

Why Danzig and Poland?

In the late 16th century, Poland became a haven for a variety of non-conformists which included Jews, Anti-Trinitarians from Italy and Bohemia, Quakers and Calvinists from Great Britain, south German Schwenkfelders, Eastern Orthodox, Armenian, and Greek Catholic Christians, some Muslim Tatars, as well as other peaceful sectarians like the Dutch and Flemish Anabaptists. Unlike the Low Countries and most of western Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a “state without stakes,” and as such fittingly described as “God’s playground” ( note 1 ). In the view of 17th-century Dutch dramatist Joost van den Vondel, it was “the ‘Promised Land,’ where the refugee could forget all his sorrow and enjoy the richness of the land” ( note 2 ). Over the next two centuries an important strand of Mennonite life and spirituality evolved into a mature tradition in this relatively hospitable context ( note 3 ). Anabaptists from the Low Countries began to arrive in Danzig and region as early as 15...