Skip to main content

“Mixed Race Couples” (Mischehen), 1942

The quasi-scientific, Nazi-German racial hocus-pocus about “blood” and the Reich’s tireless effort to quantify percentages of “Nordic” or “Slavic” or “Jewish” blood in order to separate and rank individuals and racial groups hierarchically, and in turn to deny basic human rights to most--justified by some bizarre correlation to “racial” resilience, health, cultural vitality, and achievement by some mythical German racial corpus--is nothing short of repulsive.

These theories had horrific outcomes. Yet somehow it was compelling in the 1930s and 1940s to think, speak, and act in this way. Mennonites were part of that story—one which is not so easily unraveled. At best this post can add one or two new elements to that story.

I begin in Canada. In two issues of the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Volkswarte in 1936 Heinrich Hajo Schröder—born in Halbstadt and a one-time student of Benjamin H. Unruh—offered extensive explanations of Aryanism and its supporting racial "theory"—e.g., that racial-genetic purity is critical for the development of a people; that foreign blood is poison for a people; that the Nordic race is the determinant race for the German people; that “Frisians” are the most ancient Aryan branch; that God has given every race a mission in the place that they have dwelt for centuries; the importance of a politics of race and a racial state; the yearning for a Menno-state, praise of Hitler, and all of this peppered with explicit anti-Semitic statements. It was so compelling that it was reprinted in the church-based Mennonitische Rundschau also from Winnipeg) in 1938 (note 1).

Later that same year a German government envoy in Paraguay concluded that  

… the Mennonites are of the most valuable German blood. They carry a biological inheritance which makes them into workers with extraordinary capacity for achievement, and which gives them the feeling of cohesion and order. ... Their Nordic blood gives them unprecedented willpower, tenacity and perseverance. … We cannot leave such valuable German racial material unattended. … Some of them begin to free themselves from their intimate communities and wish to grow into the greater German Volk-community. (Note 2)

Some years later the theory and vision was employed with the Mennonite communities in newly occupied Ukraine. The SS Special Command “R” (Russia) made the following early external assessment of the Mennonite settlements within the first month of occupation: “Even today, the Mennonites, out of all ethnic Germans, make the best physical and spiritual impression. … The racial picture is to some extent excellent, generally good. Things German are genuinely adhered to” (note 3). 

Mennonites certainly had prejudices prior to German occupation, but the idea of a “master race” was foreign (note 4). In 1943 one of the two new German propaganda papers in Ukraine published the article: “Blood Legacy of the Fathers: The Biological Power of Ethnic Germans in Ukraine.” It noted that Sonderkommando of Dr. Karl Stumpp had been tasked by the Reichsminister for the Occupied East Territories “to provide a genealogical and Volks-biological accounting of the Volksdeutsche in Ukraine” (note 5). Stumpp’s work on the racial composition of Mennonites in Ukraine was already well-documented by work done before the war (note 6). Between April and May 1942 supporting genealogical information was to be compiled in each of the Mennonite villages upon which residents were issued their ethnic German Volk identity card (Volkstumsausweis; note 7). The cards attested that the named person “is a Volksdeutscher and is under the protection of the Greater German Reich (note 8).

Stumpp’s reports documented for the nineteen villages of the Chortitza District, for example, 223 mixed-race marriages of 8,010 family units, or 2.7%. None of the former 1,066 Jews from these villages and towns remained. Most of the mixed-race families were located in the more urban areas of Chortitza, Einlage or Osterwick, for example, where 7% of children were “mixed-race” (note 9). These reports were crucial for the regime’s assessment of German Volk purity.

Mixed-race couples (Mischehen) and mixed-race children (Mischlinge)—these were legally defined categories—were named, their homes marked (not only on maps), and those so identified were restricted in their rights and privileges. including their food and clothing rations, education, and medical services.

In the months after the arrival of German armies, two German newspapers, public addresses and rallies, and training programs for ethnic German teachers, administrators and self-defence units were among the means used to introduce ethnic Germans in Ukraine into a National Socialist worldview. For those over forty, it was new to think that “custom and morality are not determined by religion, but by race,” or that some existential “Germanic feeling of life (Lebensgefühl)” and “sense of morality … lives within the Germanic race” as a whole. No doubt they were glad to hear that National Socialism supported “practical Christianity,” but were likely confused to hear that the church's ultimate purpose was to unify, strengthen and empower the Volk (note 10). It did not go unnoticed that in the new teacher training institutes for ethnic Germans that religion was not in the curriculum—once the defining discipline in Mennonite schools. Now race anthropology (Rassenkunde) and hereditary studies (Vererbungslehre) were core courses that supported the biological goals of the Reich (note 11). I know at least four individuals who were trained in these pedagogical schools.

A compulsory school policy would soon apply to all ethnic German children in Ukraine lasting eight years beginning at age seven, and was “intended to secure the education and instruction of youth in the spirit of National Socialism” (note 12). Youth were encouraged to follow the example of the Führer who neither smoked nor drank, and were warned to avoid socializing with non-Germans in order to maintain racial purity (note 13). Specifically, young adults were informed that marriages between Germans and other races were now forbidden, and where undertaken, legally void (note 14). Notably students of “mixed marriages” were not eligible for enrollment in Prischib Teacher Training School, for example (note 15).

In September 1942, the N@zi weekly Ukraine Post ran an article on the historical achievements of the German colonies in Ukraine, and praised their “amazing racial-biological prowess.” They are “perhaps the strongest and clearest proof of the inexhaustible power of German racial ethnicity which, even detached from the actual mother soil, again and again renewed itself from itself” (note 16).

Over twenty-five weeks the Ukraine Post outlined and winningly explained the twenty-five planks of the Nazi Party platform to its Volk German readership, with the fourth instalment on the racial unity of the German Volk on October 24, 1942 (note 17). Beliefs about blood purity were deemed to be critical for understanding the “why” of German cultural achievement or decline, and it gave a rationale for Germany’s rejection of universal human rights.

A people can only attain high achievements if it keeps its blood pure. … A mixture of German blood with Jewish blood leads to a reduction in the achievements of our people and thus to racial decline and finally to collapse. National Socialism is the fiercest opponent of that Marxist theory of the equality of all that bears the face of man.” (Note 18)

From Canada to Paraguay and then later to Ukraine, this worldview was accepted and taught by many, and given the implicit blessing of some church leaders.

Poles, Ukrainians, Russians and Jews are rightfully repulsed to read this chapter of Mennonite history. It is painful, but important for Mennonites to document it with honesty and humility. The intergenerational impact of this racial worldview held by many Mennonites less than eighty years ago still needs to be explored.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Heinrich H. Schröder, “Was heißt völkisch?,” Mennonitische Volkswarte 2, no. 8 (August 1936), 252–256 (part 1); no. 9 (September 1936), 279–282 (part 2), https://media.chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk379.pdfhttps://media.chortitza.org/pdf/vpetk380.pdf, reprinted in Mennonitische Rundschau 61, no. 5 (February 2, 1938), 12f., https://archive.org/details/sim_die-mennonitische-rundschau_1938-02-02_61_5/page/12/mode/2up

Note 2: Hans Carl Büsing, Excerpt from Report “German Embassy in Asunción, Paraguay, on the Paraguayan Mennonite Colonies, June 20, 1938,” 7f. Archiv Fernheim, Paraguay, https://mla.bethelks.edu/archives/ms_416/fernheim_archives/SKMBT_C35108043009400_0007.jpg.

Note 3: Sonderkommando Russland, “German Affairs in the Area of Kriwoi-Rog, Saporoshje, Dnjepropetrowsk, in the District of Melitopol and in the District of Mariupol. Preliminary Statement, in particular the Mennonite Settlements,” November 1, 1941. Translated by Allen E. Konrad. Deutsches Ausland-Institut, Film T-81/606/5396845-854, http://www.blackseagr.org/pdfs/konrad/Mennonite Settlements in Melitopol and Mariupol Districts.pdf. Minor corrections.

Note 4: Victor Janzen, From the Dniepr to the Paraguay River (Winnipeg, MB: Self-published, 1995), 36, recalled as a youth seeing the term “sub-human” (Untermensch) with reference to Russians and Ukrainians in the German literature left in their home by German soldiers.

Note 5: “Das Bluterbe der Väter: Die biologische Kraft der Volksdeutschen in der Ukraine,” Ukraine Post no. 9 (March 6, 1943), 3 (for all Ukraine Post articles below, see: https://libraria.ua/all-titles/group/878/).

Note 6: Cf. Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter 3, no. 1 & 2 (December 1938), 97, 99, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Geschichtsblaetter/1936-1940/DSCF4535.JPG). Cf. Eric J. Schmaltz and Samuel D. Zinner, “The Nazi Ethnographic Research of Georg Leibbrandt and Karl Stumpp in Ukraine and Its North American Legacy,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 14, no. 1 (Spring 2000), 56. A Heidelberg University professor and later Nazi (Dr. Dettweiler) was invited to the 1931 Palatinate-Hessian Mennonite Conference meetings to speak on “Mennonite Family Research.” Three years later, the conference historian writes, this impulse would find “tremendous confirmation” in the Third Reich. Cf. Christlicher Gemeinde-Kalender 46 (1937) 99f., https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Christlicher%20Gemeinde-Kalender/1933-1941/DSCF7056.JPG.

Note 7: See Gerhard Fast, Das Ende von Chortitza (Winnipeg, MB: Self-published, 1973), 71.

Note 8: See any EWZ (Einwanderungszentralstelle) file which typically include returned identification cards; https://chortitza.org/List/EWZBem.htm; https://www.mennonitegenealogy.com/russia/EWZ_Mennonite_Extractions_Alphabetized.pdf.

Note 9: See “Gebiet Chortitza - Bericht,” R6, Mappe 626, “Bevölkerungsübersicht, Tafel A,” 63 [81], as well as the Osterwick village report, “Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp.” Prepared for the German Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, 1942. In Bundesarchiv Koblenz, BArch R6 GSK, files 620 to 633; 702 to 709, https://invenio.bundesarchiv.de/invenio/main.xhtml; also State Electronic Archive of Ukraine, https://tsdea.aewrchives.gov.ua/deutsch/.

Note 10: “Die 25 Punkte,” Ukraine Post 10 (March 13, 1943), 6; the article is a commentary on the Nazi Party platform policy no. 24 on religion, as part of a series written for Volksdeutsche in Ukraine. The quote is from Alfred Rosenberg, Minister for the Occupied Territories, who visited the Molotschna in 1943.

Note 11: Gerhard Winter, ed., Die volksdeutsche Lehrerbildungsanstalt (LBA) zur Zeit der deutschen Besatzung in Rußland (Wolfsburg: Self-published, 1988), 143f. Racial theory had been a required course for all schools in Prussia since September 1933.

Note 12: “Schulpflicht für Volksdeutsche Kinder,” Ukraine Post I, no. 22 (June 5, 1943), 8.

Note 13: Wendy Lower, Nazi Empire-Building and the Holocaust in Ukraine (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 170.

Note 14: “Deutsches Eherecht für Volksdeutsche,” Ukraine Post, no. 30 (August 10, 1943), 8.

Note 15: Justine Janzen Fiebig, “Die volksdeutschen Lehrerbildungsanstalten zur Zeit der deutschen Besetzung in Rußland,in Winter, Die volksdeutsche Lehrerbildungsanstalt (LBA), 118.

Note 16: “Deutsche Leistung in der Ukraine,” Ukraine Post 1, no. 11 (September 26, 1942), 3f.

Note 17: “Die 25 Punkte: Das Programm der Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP),” Ukraine Post, no. 15 (October 24, 1942), 4.

Note 18: Ibid.

---

To cite this page: Arnold Neufeldt-Fast, "'Mixed Race Couples' (Mischehen), 1942," History of the Russian Mennonites (blog), May 17, 2023https://russianmennonites.blogspot.com/2023/05/mixed-race-couples-mischehen-1942.html.


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an inf...

Sesquicentennial: Proclamation of Universal Military Service Manifesto, January 1, 1874

One-hundred-and-fifty years ago Tsar Alexander II proclaimed a new universal military service requirement into law, which—despite the promises of his predecesors—included Russia’s Mennonites. This act fundamentally changed the course of the Russian Mennonite story, and resulted in the emigration of some 17,000 Mennonites. The Russian government’s intentions in this regard were first reported in newspapers in November 1870 ( note 1 ) and later confirmed by Senator Evgenii von Hahn, former President of the Guardianship Committee ( note 2 ). Some Russian Mennonite leaders were soon corresponding with American counterparts on the possibility of mass migration ( note 3 ). Despite painful internal differences in the Mennonite community, between 1871 and Fall 1873 they put up a united front with five joint delegations to St. Petersburg and Yalta to petition for a Mennonite exemption. While the delegations were well received and some options could be discussed with ministers of the Crown, ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 4 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accurate and carefully considered. ~ANF Preparing for your next AGM: Mennonite Congregations and Deportations Many U.S. Mennonite pastors voted for Donald Trump, whose signature promise was an immediate start to “the largest deportation operation in American history.” Confirmed this week, President Trump will declare a national emergency and deploy military assets to carry this out. The timing is ideal; in January many Mennonite congregations have their Annual General Meeting (AGM) with opportunity to review and update the bylaws of their constitution. Need help? We have related examples from our tradition, which I offer as a template, together with a few red flags. First, your congregational by-laws.  It is unlikely you have undocumented immigrants in your congregation, but you should flag this. Model: Gustav Reimer, a deacon and notary public from the ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

"A Small Town near Auschwitz” – Chortitza Mennonite Refugee/ Resettlement Camps

Simple proximity to a place of horrors does not equal knowledge or complicity. Many Gnadenfeld-area Mennonite refugees were, for example, temporarily housed 20 km. away from the Bergen-Belsen Concentration Camp where 15-year-old Anne Frank died ultimately of typhus ( note 1 ). The day after liberation by British troops on April 15, 1945, camp survivors began to flow through neighbouring villages. “What a sight they were! They had been tortured and starved, and were swollen from lack of food. … We could hardly believe that the glorious country of Germany could commit such crimes against people,” Susanna Toews wrote ( note 2 ). My mother was only seven, but she remembers overhearing shocking descriptions given by their host family’s teenaged girls forced by the British to clean some of the camp buses. What about the much larger death camp at Auschwitz? There is a book entitled: A Small Town near Auschwitz: Ordinary Nazis and the Holocaust. It is about an administrator living near the ...

1921: Formation of the “Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage in Ukraine”

Famine was imminent; unprecedented drought; taxes and requisitions exceeded what was harvested; some villages had no horses; extortion and arrests were widespread; many men were disenfranchised and barred from village affairs (see note 1 ). Lenin responded with the 1921 “New Economic Policy” (NEP), which allowed for a degree of market flexibility within the context of socialism to ward off complete economic collapse. A fixed-tax was imposed, grain quotas were eased, farmers were allowed a small amount of land and could sell excess produce at free-market prices after taxes had been paid. Much was in the air. In secret talks, Soviet Trade Commissar Leonid Krasin told the head of the Eastern Section in the German Foreign Office, Gustav Behrendt, that the USSR was “prepared—just like Catherine the Great of old—to call hundreds of thousands of German colonists into the land and transfer them to large, closed complexes for settlement,” especially in Turkestan and the North Caucasus, be...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Molotschna Elder Heinrich Dirks and tensions with Mennonite Brethren

Russian Mennonites were not always kind to each other—and nowhere is this seen better than in the tensions between “old” Mennonites and the “separatist” Mennonite Brethren, who had their beginnings in Gnadenfeld, Molotschna in 1860. Heinrich Dirks (1842-1915) was the first Russian Mennonite overseas missionary and later long-time Gnadenfeld, Molotschna ( note 1 ). Everything about Dirks’ life suggests that he would have joined the Brethren in 1860. He too was influenced by the "powerful and gripping” conversionist ministry of Eduard Wüst in his youth. Dirks was a young adult in the Gnadenfeld congregation in South Russia where the Mennonite Brethren /separatist movement began. Shortly thereafter, he was trained in the German pietist Barmen Mission School (1863-67), and famously travelled to Sumatra (Indonesia) where he started a mission outpost and school. The Mennonite Brethren too would later connect the global mission imperative with the impending return of Christ as did Dirk...

When Mennonite Agencies withdraw support from star player: Benjamin Unruh, 1938

In 1938 Mennonite Central Committee took the decision to significantly reduce their support of Benjamin Unruh’s work in Germany as of August 1, and Dutch Mennonites announced the same effective January 1, 1939. What to do? Ask the Nazi Party and government agencies to make up the difference ( note 1 )! On December 3, 1938, Unruh made the following pitch: “Germany generously and magnanimously helped our [Mennonite] organizations, on my intercession, to overcome the manifold difficulties connected with such a large movement of people [beginning 1923] in such critical times. ... The fact that finally all Mennonite synodal and national associations formally appointed me as their representative in the field of Russian-German welfare (Fürsorge), had its deeper reason especially in the success of my activity in Germany. … You see that I stand in the center of the global Mennonite [relief] work. However, I have always done this as a German man and not only as a representative of my denominat...