Skip to main content

Widows, refugees, the unchurched, orphans and decommissioned soldiers: Building Church in Neuland, Paraguay

They were in unchartered waters when the Neuland (Colony) Mennonite Church in Paraguay was organized on November 12, 1947 under the innovative leadership of Hans Rempel (1908-2001).

Rempel was ordained during German occupation of Ukraine, when “simple, untrained men and women called the believers together, read the Word, sang, and prayed” (note 1).

And for the others? In resettlement camps in Warthegau (annexed Poland) Rempel was encouraged by Heinrich Winter, the "last elder of Chortitza" to “make a new beginning ... like a farmer breaking up hard unplowed ground” (Jeremiah 4:3).


After the refugees arrived in Paraguay in 1947, the church issues were many and the need for innovation was urgent.

First, what should be the role of women in church leadership? The tradition was very restrictive. The men however were largely missing and many of the women had experience of leadership in the re-establishment of church services during the German occupation of Russia. Innovation in this regard was however minimal.

Second, before the Stalin-era church marriage ceremonies had been restricted to members of the congregation, which in effect was the entire adult community. In Neuland, however, up to 40% of individuals sixteen years and older were unbaptized in 1950 (note 2).


The younger immigrants had spent their entire youth under an atheistic regime, suffered the disintegration of church life under Stalin, were heavily exposed to the ideology of National-Socialism, and had experienced so much loss and grief that a feeling of God's absence of God was more real than God’s presence. Not all of the refugees who were ready to marry were at the same time ready to count themselves amongst the baptized.

However some concerns were more trivial and easier to handle, for example:

Third, in the post-war refugee camps and on board the refugee ships there were many who participated in open prayer meetings, often encouraged by the Mennonite Central Committee representatives. But prayer meetings outside of worship were seen as an innovation by some of the older members, who in pre-World War I Russia had been taught to pray in secret (Matthew 6:5-6).

Fourth, in order to build-up the scattered community, the Neuland ministerial established a regular pot-luck lunch after worship on the first Sunday of the month. This too was challenged by some who could not connect this innovation to their memory of church.

The fifth and most difficult issue was the problem of re-marriage.

“Women with their children had to piece together a new existence alone, build their houses, drive their oxen and horses, and clear the brush. And then there were the men whose families had been sent back to Russia. They were without women to help them with household work. Many were trapped in these almost insoluble problems, and they entered into new marriage-like relationships without having dissolved their marriages with the separated partner.” (Note 3)

Initially the congregation excommunicated such individuals; but on July 17, 1949 a regulation was unanimously passed by the Conference of Mennonites in South America that allowed remarriage under specific conditions: If marriage partners have been separated from each other for seven years and have had no communication during this time; or if the spouse living in the Soviet Union or its controlled territories has remarried or is in a common-law marriage. Persons who are already living common-law but whose seven years waiting period has not yet been completed, may only be legally married after the seven-year period has expired for both individuals. In these cases individuals were allowed to be baptized in good faith and have their new marriages blessed by the community of faith.

Opportunity was also given for individuals to confess any guilt and to be granted forgiveness by the congregation. However congregational members were forbidden to enter into new marriage relationships if they knowingly had a spouse living overseas who had not remarried (note 4).

Some twenty-eight members who could not accept these changes around remarriage left to form their own church, the short-lived Chortitzer Mennonite Church.


Sixth
, intra-Mennonite denominational differences: On April 4, 1948, Neuland held its first baptismal service at a farmstead with a larger than average barn in the village of Lichtenau, Neuland (note 5).

"A large number of the people singing the hymns have personally experienced the faith and testing about which they sing. Many of them have come through the fires of persecution and have been tested by the agonies of famine, warfare, revolution, terror, imprisonment, flight, separation from loved ones ... . Hymns such as these have helped to sustain them and have given them courage through long seasons of suffering." (Note 6)

Soon after baptisms began, the old divide between Mennonite and Mennonite Brethren churches reared its head again, connected too to aid dollars. B. B. Janz, the inspirational leader of the 1920s emigration from the USSR, was present in Paraguay when the first refugees arrived 1947 and insisted that all MB churches adhere strictly to immersion baptism, and that all persons baptized by another mode be re-baptized. This caused unnecessary bitter feelings and harmed mutual respect and cooperation. Refugees had all but forgotten this division in their common suffering (or never knew of it to begin with). Moreover in the resettlement camps in Warthegau (annexed Poland) in 1944, Benjamin Unruh (baptized MB) was absolutely clear with new leaders (all were under his tutelage) that that old division must not be reintroduced. But here the opportunity for birthing something new was thwarted.

Seventh: What does a Mennonite congregation do with decommissioned soldiers? Initially this was not a problem. All of the Mennonite men Rempel's age or younger had been German soldiers. But with time, it was important for Rempel to recover this part of the tradition with a major publication for a next generation:

"I was heavily wounded and taken behind the lines. I did not have to shoot anyone; this was God’s gracious provision to me. That being said ... the peace witness of our Mennonite people was indeed heavily assaulted. In the storm and stress of this terrible time it was also widely forgotten. But it was not eradicated; our people recall it ... . Because they are asking, especially in our student circles, I have gratefully undertaken this compilation [on Russian Mennonite alternative service]." (Note 7)

Rempel's account is free of all judgement on those many young men who were plucked from their families and villages and thrown into the war. But it is also a confession that the church was under heavy attack, and in the confusion lost its direction. In the 1970s, Rempel was confident that the church would recover its historic peace witness (note 8).

During this time in Paraguay Rempel was pastor to (my uncle) Walter Bräul--a German soldier at age 16--who grew up under Stalin and had no experience of church. I interviewed Walter years later, and he was grateful that unlike some other faith leaders in the colonies, Rempel had an open mind. And that won him over. And for my mother who was younger, the struggle before her baptism was with "forgiving even Stalin" who had brought so much grief to the family. Here too Rempel was a faithful counsellor. 

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Note 1: Hans Rempel, “Vom Anfang der Mennonitengemeinde in Neuland," in 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland, 1947–1972, edited by Walter Regehr, 65–78( Karlsruhe: Schneider, 1972), 85.

Note 2: J. Winfield Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay: The Story of Mennonite Colonization in South America (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1953), 87, https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001448782.

Note 3: Rempel, “Vom Anfang der Mennonitengemeinde in Neuland,” 69.

Note 4: Cf. Rempel, “Vom Anfang der Mennonitengemeinde in Neuland,” 69–71.

Note 5: Rempel, “Vom Anfang der Mennonitengemeinde in Neuland,” 67f.

Note 6: Fretz, Pilgrims in Paraguay, 90; also 98f.

Note 7: Hans Rempel, Waffen der Wehrlosen: Ersatzdienst der Mennoniten in der UdSSR (Winnipeg, MB: CMBC, 1980), 147f.

Note 8: H. Rempel, Waffen der Wehrlosen, 148.

Pic 1: Hans Rempel, from idem, Waffen der Wehrlosen; Pic 2: Volendam Colony, in P. and E. Dyck, Up from the Rubble; Pic 3: Regehr, 25 Jahre Kolonie Neuland.

Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons!

Turning Weapons into Waffle Irons:  Heart-Shaped Waffles and a smooth talking General In 1874 with Mennonite immigration to North America in full swing, the Tsar sent General Eduard von Totleben to the colonies to talk the remaining Mennonites out of leaving ( note 1 ). He came with the now legendary offer of alternative service. Totleben made presentations in Mennonite churches and had many conversations in Mennonite homes. Decades later the women still recalled how fond Totleben was of Mennonite heart-shaped waffles. He complemented the women saying, “How beautiful are the hearts of Mennonites!,” and he joked about how “much Mennonites love waffles ( Waffeln ), but not weapons ( Waffen )” ( note 2 )! His visit resulted in an extensive reversal of opinion and the offer was welcomed officially by the Molotschna and Chortitza Colony ministerials. And upon leaving, the general was gifted with a poem by Bernhard Harder ( note 3 ) and a waffle iron ( note 4 ). Harder was an inf...

Soviet “Farmer Giesbrecht” and the German Communist Press, 1930

The 1930 booklet  Bauer Giesbrecht was published by the Communist Party press in Germany —some months after most of the 3,885 Mennonite refugees at Moscow had been transported from Germany to Canada, Paraguay and Brazil ( note 1 ). In Fall 1929 Germany set aside an astonishingly large sum of money and flexed its full diplomatic muscle to extract these “German Farmers” (mostly Mennonites) who had fled the Soviet countryside for Moscow in a last ditch attempt to flee the "Soviet Paradise". About 9,000 however were forcibly turned back. Communists in Germany saw their country’s aid operation—which their crushed economy could ill afford—as a blatant propaganda attempt to embarrass Stalin with formerly wealthy ethnic German farmers and preachers willing to tell the world’s press the worst "lies." With Heinrich Kornelius Giesbrecht from the former Mennonite Barnaul Colony in Western Siberia they finally had a poster-boy to make their point: in Germany he had seen an...

Swiss and Palatinate Connections

Sometime after 1850 Andreas Plennert and his family immigrated to South Russia from the Culm Region of West Prussia. Though there was at least one Mennonite “Plehnert” who had already immigrated to Russia in 1793, it is not a very common Prussian-Russian Mennonite name. As such, however, it is easier to trace than many and offers a minority narrative and identity within the longer and broader Russian Mennonite story. The account below is adapted largely from information in Horst Penner, Die ost- und westpreußischen Mennoniten , vol. 1, though I have expanded upon his work to offer a slightly different narrative. In 1724 there was a group of Mennonites forced out of the Memel region in East Prussia for political and religious reasons and were given assistance to resettle back to West Prussia in areas populated by Mennonites. Among the 23 households that went to the Stuhm region there is one Plenert listed, namely Christian Plenert. We know that Mennonites entered the Memel region ...

Snapshots of Danzig Mennonites, late 1600s & early 1700s

A picture can be worth a thousand words. We do not have photographs, but we have a few colour paintings of life in and around Danzig in the late 1600s and early 1700s, as well as maps. We also have a limited number of "textual snapshots" of Mennonites at this time and place, which offer an instructive window into that foreign world. These snapshots of work, worship, health, education, community relationships, smaller repressions, and security can contribute to the creation of a larger collage of Mennonite life in Danzig and Polish Prussia.  Snapshot 1 : In 1681 there were approximately 180 Mennonite families who lived in the “gardens” or villages outside Danzig, with 113 of those families within the jurisdiction of the city. At this time Mennonites were barred from owning houses within the walls of the city. Of these 113 family heads, we know: 43 were retailers of spirits, 24 merchants, 9 lacemakers, 7 dyers, 3 silk dyers, 3 pressers, 2 brokers, 2 treasurers, 2 waitresses, et...

Village Reports Commando Dr. Stumpp, 1942: List and Links

Each of the "Commando Dr. Stumpp" village reports written during German occupation of Ukraine 1942 contains a mountain of demographic data, names, dates, occupations, numbers of untimely deaths (revolution, famines, abductions), narratives of life in the 1930s, of repression and liberation, maps, and much more. The reports are critical for telling the story of Mennonites in the Soviet Union before 1942, albeit written with the dynamics of Nazi German rule at play. Reports for some 56 (predominantly) Mennonite villages from the historic Mennonite settlement areas of Chortitza, Sagradovka, Baratow, Schlachtin, Milorodovka, and Borosenko have survived. Unfortunately no village reports from the Molotschna area (known under occupation as “Halbstadt”) have been found. Dr. Karl Stumpp, a prolific chronicler of “Germans abroad,” became well-known to German Mennonites (Prof. Benjamin Unruh/ Dr. Walter Quiring) before the war as the director of the Research Center for Russian Germans...

Catherine the Great’s 1763 Manifesto

“We must swarm our vast wastelands with people. I do not think that in order to achieve this it would be useful to compel our non-Christians to accept our faith--polygamy for example, is even more useful for the multiplication of the population. … "Russia does not have enough inhabitants, …but still possesses a large expanse of land, which is neither inhabited nor cultivated. … The fields that could nourish the whole nation, barely feeds one family..." – Catherine II (Note 1 ) “We perceive, among other things, that a considerable number of regions are still uncultivated which could easily and advantageously be made available for productive use of population and settlement. Most of the lands hold hidden in their depth an inexhaustible wealth of all kinds of precious ores and metals, and because they are well provided with forests, rivers and lakes, and located close to the sea for purpose of trade, they are also most convenient for the development and growth of many kinds ...

What is the Church to Say? Letter 1 (of 4) to American Mennonite Friends

Irony is used in this post to provoke and invite critical thought; the historical research on the Mennonite experience is accuarte and carefully considered. ~ANF American Mennonite leaders who supported Trump will be responding to the election results in the near future. Sometimes a template or sample conference address helps to formulate one’s own text. To that end I offer the following. When Hitler came to power in 1933, Mennonites in Germany sent official greetings by telegram: “The Conference of the East and West Prussian Mennonites meeting today at Tiegenhagen in the Free City of Danzig are deeply grateful for the tremendous uprising ( Erhebung ) that God has given our people ( Volk ) through the vigor and action of [unclear], and promise our cooperation in the construction of our Fatherland, true to the Gospel motto of [our founder Menno Simons], ‘For no one can lay any foundation other than the one already laid, which is Jesus Christ.’” ( Note 1 ) Hitler responded in a letter...

Vaccinations in Chortitza and Molotschna, beginning in 1804

Vaccination lists for Chortitza Mennonite children in 1809 and 1814 were published prior to the COVID-19 pandemic with little curiosity ( note 1 ). However during the 2020-22 pandemic and in a context in which some refused to vaccinate for religious belief, the historic data took on new significance. Ancestors of some of the more conservative Russian Mennonite groups—like the Reinländer or the Bergthalers or the adult children of land delegate Jacob Höppner—were in fact vaccinating their infants and toddlers against small pox over two hundred years ago ( note 2 ). Also before the current pandemic Ukrainian historian Dmytro Myeshkov brought to light other archival materials on Mennonites and vaccination. The material below is my summary and translation of the relevant pages of Myeshkov’s massive 2008 volume on Black Sea German and their Worlds, 1781 to 1871 (German only; note 3 ). Myeshkov confirms that Chortitza was already immunizing its children in 1804 when their District Offic...

Easter and Molotschna's First Ethnic German Cavalry Regiment of the Waffen-SS, 1942

For the two years of German occupation, 1941-43, the Molotschna Settlement area—renamed “Halbstadt” after its largest village—was under S.S. ( Schutzstaffel ) control. During this time, new National Socialist ceremonies and liturgies were introduced to the Mennonites in Ukraine, including Easter. Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler named Halbstadt with its surrounding 144 villages a district commando. SS-Storm Unit Leader ( Sturmbannführer ) Hermann Roßner was appointed the Special Command R[ussia] leader for Halbstadt. Halbstadt had Waffen-SS doctors, a Waffen-SS pharmacist team and pharmacy, hospital equipment from the medical offices of the Waffen-SS and soon a Waffen-SS cavalry self-defense regiment of some 500-plus Mennonite young men ( note 1 ). Two of my uncles became members of the cavalry unit; a later, long-time lay minister in my home congregation was in the regiment as well. SS-celebrations for “Easter” were deliberately non-religious and anti-Christian, though careful ...

Molotschna's 50th Anniversary Celebration Plans, 1854

There is no mention of this celebrative event in Hildebrand’s Chronologischer Zeittafel, no report in the newly launched Prussian church paper Mennonitische Blätter , or in the Unterhaltungsblatt for German colonists in South Russia. But plans to celebrate five decades of Mennonite settlement on the Molotschna River were well underway in 1853; detailed draft notes for the event are found in the Peter J. Braun Russian Mennonite Archive ( note 1 ). Perhaps most importantly the file includes the list of names of the first settlers in each of the first nine Molotschna villages (est. 1804). While each village had been mandated a few years earlier to write its own village history ( note 2; pics ), eight of these nine did not list their first settler families by name. The lists with the male family heads are attached below. By 1854 Molotoschna’s population had increased to about 17,000; more than half of those living in the original nine villages were landless Anwohner ( note 3 ). Celeb...