Skip to main content

Why Danzig and Poland?

In the late 16th century, Poland became a haven for a variety of non-conformists which included Jews, Anti-Trinitarians from Italy and Bohemia, Quakers and Calvinists from Great Britain, south German Schwenkfelders, Eastern Orthodox, Armenian, and Greek Catholic Christians, some Muslim Tatars, as well as other peaceful sectarians like the Dutch and Flemish Anabaptists.

Unlike the Low Countries and most of western Europe, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a “state without stakes,” and as such fittingly described as “God’s playground” (note 1). In the view of 17th-century Dutch dramatist Joost van den Vondel, it was “the ‘Promised Land,’ where the refugee could forget all his sorrow and enjoy the richness of the land” (note 2). Over the next two centuries an important strand of Mennonite life and spirituality evolved into a mature tradition in this relatively hospitable context (note 3).

Anabaptists from the Low Countries began to arrive in Danzig and region as early as 1530. Like Bruges, for example (where some of our Mennonite ancestors originated), Danzig was a trading centre of the Hanseatic League, which stretched from London to Norway, with Middle Low German as the dominant language of trade. Whereas Bruges was a major source of cloth and other manufactured goods, the port city of Danzig with a population of 50,000 was a shipbuilding centre and main outlet for Polish grain and other commodities.

As Danzig embraced the Lutheran Reformation, Anabaptists from the Low Countries found both religious freedom and economic opportunity there. Here too they could maintain strong ties to their churches of origin with the arrival of more than a thousand Dutch ships annually (ca. 2.7 per day; note 4). Menno Simons visited his small flock scattered in Danzig and Elbing ca. 1549 (note 5); Anabaptist leader Dirk Philips became Danzig’s first elder, settling outside the city walls in Alt-Schottland in the mid-1550s; Leenaert Bouwens who had baptized thousands in Flanders visited Danzig in 1563—only to be disposed by Dirk Philips two years later in dispute.

Between 1527 and 1578, approximately 750 families from the Low Countries—mostly Mennonite refugees and settlers—had moved to Danzig and the Vistula Delta, with some arriving directly from Flanders over Cologne (note 6).

Most of the culturally Flemish refugees from the southern Low Countries cities like Bruges or Brussels--with Flemish names like Penner, Buller, Wall, Fast, etc.--“were engaged in commercial activities. Since they initially had difficulties in obtaining commercial licenses (Gewerbezulassungen) in Danzig and Elbing, some migrated to agricultural occupations” (note 7). Their successes opened the door for other Anabaptist refugees from the Low Countries. In 1562 “Dutch people of the Mennonite religion” were specifically invited by the Polish banking house Loysen to settle on the “Tiegenhoff part of the Vistula Delta” to rebuild dikes partially destroyed by previous wars and to drain low-lying lagoons and swamps over large blocks of land (note 8). That story is more familiar and frequently retold. The land had to be dried, cleared and strategically sloped to control water run-off and to protect from flooding. Because of the enormous labour required with little capital for construction and the danger of swamp fever, up to eighty percent of the first settlers died prematurely. In some places it took a century—three generations—to create a stable or fruitful agricultural region and, of necessity, a sense of community.

By 1580 there are 5 congregational groups: Danzig, Elbing, Montau, Thorn, Kleines Werder. The Gross-Werder (Large Vistula Delta) groups belonged to either Danzig or Elbing. Each understood itself to be subordinate to the mother churches in “the west” (note 9). The division between the “Frisians” and “Flemish” groups--no longer geographical or cultural designations, but ecclesiological--had not yet set in.

The region was uniquely fertile, as one Scottish traveler noted in 1593, and wealthy in commodities, including its “great quantity of wax, flax, linen clothes … soap-ashes, and all kind of grains, especially rye, which has made Danzig famous, for relieving all nations therewith in time of dearth” (note 10).

A British document on Poland from 1598 notes that this land has “wonderfull nombers of heretikes” including a “greate stoare of Anabaptistes,” and “all sortes of Antitrinitaries” (note 11). Though a strongly Catholic territory, Poland’s King Sigismund II Augustus adopted a tolerant attitude toward the Reformation, formalized with the Confederation of Warsaw in 1573:

“Whereas in our Common Wealth there is no small disagreement in the matter of the Christian faith … we will keep the peace among ourselves, and that we will not, for the sake of our various faith and difference of church, either shed blood or confiscate property, deny favour, imprison or banish.” (Note 12)

Despite occasional repressions and in contrast to almost every other area of Europe, there were no mass religious persecutions carried out by authorities in Poland in the 17th century (note 13). Danzig/Poland was a tolerant context that offered Mennonites security of life and property, together with the freedoms to practice their faith without the obligations of military service, and to develop a tradition.

Some two-hundred years later the first migrations to Russia would begin.

            ---Arnold Neufeldt-Fast

---Notes---

Pic: 1595 Map of “Prussia,” Atlas sive cosmographica, by Gerardus Mercator, https://www.loc.gov/resource/rbc0001.2003rosen0730/?sp=96.

Pic: 1687 Map of Danzig, https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/59/Mapa_Gda%C5%84ska_1687.jpg.

Note 1: Cf. Norman Davies, God’s Playground: A History of Poland, vol. 1: The Origins to 1795, 2nd ed. (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 2005); Janusz Tazbir, A State without Stakes. Polish Religious Toleration in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: Kościuszko Foundation, 1973); Maria Bogucka, “Religiöse Koexistenz—Ausdruck von Toleranz oder von politischer Berechnung? Der Fall Danzig im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert,” in Konfessionelle Pluralität als Herausforderung: Koexistenz und Konflikt im Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, edited by J. Bahlcke et al., 521–532 (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2006).

Note 2: Cf. Willem Stuve, “Affirming the Old Fundamentals. A Survey of the Danzig Old-Flemish Congregations in the Netherlands,” Preservings no. 25 (December 2005), 33, https://www.plettfoundation.org/files/preservings/Preservings25.pdf; also Peter J. Klassen, Mennonites in Early Modern Poland and Prussia (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 1f.

Note 3: See Reinhold Curicken, Der Stadt Dantzig: Historische Beschreibung (Amsterdam/ Dantzigk: Janssons, 1687), https://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/publication/61987/edition/55645/content.

Note 4: See Maria Bogucka, “Amsterdam and the Baltic in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century,” The Economic History Review 26, no. 3 (1973), 433–447.

Note 5: Cf. also Menno’s “Exhortation to a Church in Prussia, 1549,” in J. C. Wenger, ed., The Complete Writings of Menno Simons (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1984 ), 1030–1035. https://archive.org/search.php?query=menno+simons&sin=.

Note 6: Cf. Cornelius Krahn, Dutch Anabaptism: Origin, Spread, Life and Thought, 1450–1600 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1968), 219f., https://archive.org/details/dutchanabaptismo0000krah.

Note 7: Based on Horst Quiring’s work on names in the earliest correspondence: “Die Danziger Mennoniten: Der Stand der Herkunftsfragen,” in A Legacy of Faith: The Heritage of Menno Simons, edited by Cornelius J. Dyck, 192–196 (Newton, KS: Faith and Life, 1962), https://archive.org/details/legacyoffaithher00unse; idem, “Aus den ersten Jahrzehnten der Mennoniten in Westpreußen,” Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter 2 (1937), 32–35, https://mla.bethelks.edu/gmsources/newspapers/Mennonitische%20Geschichtsblaetter/1936-1940/DSCF4464.JPG (ff.).

Note 8: For this early period, cf. P. Klassen, Mennonites in Early Modern Poland and Prussia; also idem, A Homeland for Strangers. An Introduction to Mennonites in Poland and Prussia, rev’d ed. (Fresno, CA: Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1989), https://archive.org/details/ahomeland-for-strangers-an-introduction-to-mennonites-in-poland-and-prussia-revised-ocr.

Note 9: Quiring, “Aus den ersten Jahrzehnten der Mennoniten in Westpreußen,” 34.

Note 10: Itinerary of Fynes Moryson, vol. 4 (Glasgow: MacLehose, 1908), 69f. (lightly edited), https://archive.org/details/itinerarycontain04moryuoft/page/68. See also observations from 1615 in William Lithgow, Totall Discourse of the Rare adventures & Painefull Peregrinations (Glasgow: MacLehose, 1906), 368, https://archive.org/details/totalldiscourseo00lithuoft/.

Note 11: “Relation of the State of Polonia and the United Provinces” (unknown author), cited in Peter P. Bajer, Scots in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, 16th–18th Centuries: The Formation and Disappearance of an Ethnic Group (Boston: Brill, 2012), 70.

Note 12: Cited in Bajer, Scots in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, 71, no. 108.

Note 13: Bajer, Scots in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, 231.






Print Friendly and PDF

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

The End of Schardau (and other Molotschna villages), 1941

My grandmother was four-years old when her parents moved from Petershagen, Molotschna to Schardau in 1908. This story is larger than that of Schardau, but tells how this village and many others in Molotschna were evacuated by Stalin days before the arrival of German troops in 1941. -ANF The bridge across the Dnieper at Chortitza was destroyed by retreating Soviet troops on August 18, 1941 and the hydroelectric dam completed near Einlage in 1932 was also dynamited by NKVD personnel—killing at least 20,000 locals downstream, and forcing the Germans to cross further south at Nikopol. For the next six-and-a-half weeks, the old Mennonite settlement area of Chortitza was continuously shelled by Soviet troops from Zaporozhje on the east side of the river ( note 1 ). The majority of Russian Germans in Crimea and Ukraine paid dearly for Germany’s Blitzkrieg and plans for racially-based population resettlements. As early as August 3, 1941, the Supreme Command of the Soviet Forces received noti...

Mennonites in Danzig's Suburbs: Maps and Illustrations

Mennonites first settled in the Danzig suburb of Schottland (lit: "Scotland"; “Stare-Szkoty”; also “Alt-Schottland”) in the mid-1500s. “Danzig” is the oldest and most important Mennonite congregation in Prussia. Menno Simons visited Schottland and Dirk Phillips was its first elder and lived here for a time. Two centuries later the number of families from the suburbs of Danzig that immigrated to Russia was not large: Stolzenberg 5, Schidlitz 3, Alt-Schottland 2, Ohra 1, Langfuhr 1, Emaus 1, Nobel 1, and Krampetz 2 ( map 1 ). However most Russian Mennonites had at least some connection to the Danzig church—whether Frisian or Flemish—if not in the 1700s, then in 1600s. Map 2  is from 1615; a larger number of Mennonites had been in Schottland at this point for more than four decades. Its buildings are not rural but look very Dutch urban/suburban in style. These were weavers, merchants and craftsmen, and since the 17th century they lived side-by-side with a larger number of Jews a...

What were Molotschna Mennonites reading in the early 1840s?

Johann Cornies expanded his Agricultural Society School library in Ohrloff to become a lending library “for the instruction and better enlightenment of every adult resident.” The library was overseen by the Agricultural Society; in 1845, patrons across the colony paid 1 ruble annually to access its growing collection of 355 volumes (see note 1 ). The great majority of the volumes were in German, but the library included Russian and some French volumes, with a large selection of handbooks and periodicals on agronomy and agriculture—even a medical handbook ( note 2 ). Philosophical texts included a German translation of George Combe’s The Constitution of Man ( note 3 ) and its controversial theory of phrenology, and the political economist Johann H. G. Justi’s Ergetzungen der vernünftigen Seele —which give example of the high level of reading and reflection amongst some colonists. The library’s teaching and reference resources included a history of science and technology with an accomp...

1929 Flight of Mennonites to Moscow and Reception in Germany

At the core of the attached video are some thirty photos of Mennonite refugees arriving from Moscow in 1929 which are new archival finds. While some 13,000 had gathered in outskirts of Moscow, with many more attempting the same journey, the Soviet Union only released 3,885 Mennonite "German farmers," together with 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 7 Adventists. Some of new photographs are from the first group of 323 refugees who left Moscow on October 29, arriving in Kiel on November 3, 1929. A second group of photos are from the so-called “Swinemünde group,” which left Moscow only a day later. This group however could not be accommodated in the first transport and departed from a different station on October 31. They were however held up in Leningrad for one month as intense diplomatic negotiations between the Soviet Union, Germany and also Canada took place. This second group arrived at the Prussian sea port of Swinemünde on December 2. In the next ten ...

Russia: A Refuge for all True Christians Living in the Last Days

If only it were so. It was not only a fringe group of Russian Mennonites who believed that they were living the Last Days. This view was widely shared--though rejected by the minority conservative Kleine Gemeinde. In 1820 upon the recommendation of Rudnerweide (Frisian) Elder Franz Görz, the progressive and influential Mennonite leader Johann Cornies asked the Mennonite Tobias Voth (b. 1791) of Graudenz, Prussia to come and lead his Agricultural Association’s private high school in Ohrloff, in the Russian Mennonite colony of Molotschna. Voth understood this as nothing less than a divine call upon his life ( note 1; pic 3 ). In Ohrloff Voth grew not only a secondary school, but also a community lending library, book clubs, as well as mission prayer meetings, and Bible study evenings. Voth was the son of a Mennonite minister and his wife was raised Lutheran ( note 2 ). For some years, Voth had been strongly influenced by the warm, Pietist devotional fiction writings of Johann Heinrich Ju...

Mennonite-Designed Mosque on the Molotschna

The “Peter J. Braun Archive" is a mammoth 78 reel microfilm collection of Russian Mennonite materials from 1803 to 1920 -- and largely still untapped by researchers ( note 1 ). In the files of Philipp Wiebe, son-in-law and heir to Johann Cornies, is a blueprint for a mosque ( pic ) as well as another file entitled “Akkerman Mosque Construction Accounts, 1850-1859” ( note 2 ). The Molotschna Mennonites were settlers on traditional Nogai lands; their Nogai neighbours were a nomadic, Muslim Tartar group. In 1825, Cornies wrote a significant anthropological report on the Nogai at the request of the Guardianship Committee, based largely on his engagements with these neighbours on Molotschna’s southern border ( note 3 ). Building upon these experiences and relationships, in 1835 Cornies founded the Nogai agricultural colony “Akkerman” outside the southern border of the Molotschna Colony. Akkerman was a projection of Cornies’ ideal Mennonite village outlined in exacting detail, with un...

Penmanship: School Exercise Samples, 1869 and 1883

Johann Cornies recommended “penmanship as the pedagogical means for [developing] a sense of beauty” ( note 1 ). Schönschreiben --calligraphy or penmanship--appears in the handwritten school plans and manuals of Tobias Voth (Ohrloff, 1820), Jakob Bräul (Rudnerweide, 1830), and Heinrich Heese (Ohrloff, 1842). Heese had a list of related supplies required for each pupil, including “a Bible, slate, slate pencil, paper, straight edge, lead pencil, quill pen, quill knife, ink bottle, three candlesticks, three snuffers, and a container to keep supplies; the teacher will provide water color ( Tusche ) and ink” ( note 2 ). The standard school schedule at this time included ten subject areas: Bible; reading; writing; recitation and composition; arithmetic; geography; singing; recitation and memory work; and preparation of the scripture for the following Sunday worship—and penmanship ( note 3 ). Below are penmanship samples first from the Molotschna village school of Tiege, 1869. This student...

1920s: Those who left and those who stayed behind

The picture below is my grandmother's family in 1928. Some could leave but most stayed behind. In 1928 a small group of some 511 Soviet Mennonites were unexpectedly approved for emigration ( note 1 ). None of the circa 21,000 Mennonites who emigrated from Russia in the 1920s “simply” left. And for everyone who left, at least three more hoped to leave but couldn’t. It is a complex story. Canada only wanted a certain type—young healthy farmers—and not all were transparent about their skills and intentions The Soviet Union wanted to rid itself of a specifically-defined “excess,” and Mennonite leadership knew how to leverage that Estate owners, and Selbstschutz /White Army militia were the first to be helped to leave, because they were deemed as most threatened community members; What role did money play? Thousands paid cash for their tickets; Who made the final decision on group lists, and for which regions? This was not transparent. Exit visa applications were also regularly reje...

Volendam and the Arrival in South America, 1947

The Volendam arrived at the port in Buenos Aires, Argentina on February 22, 1947, at 5 PM, exactly three weeks after leaving from Bremerhaven. They would be followed by three more refugee ships in 1948. The harassing experiences of refugee life were now truly far behind them. Curiously a few months later the American Embassy in Moscow received a formal note of protest claiming that Mennonites, who were Soviet citizens, had been cleared by the American military in Germany for emigration to Paraguay even though the Soviet occupation forces “did not (repeat not) give any sanction whatever for the dispatch of Soviet citizens to Paraguay” ( note 1 ). But the refugees knew that they were beyond even Stalin’s reach and, despite many misgivings about the Chaco, believed they were the hands of good people and a sovereign God. In Buenos Aires the Volendam was anticipated by North American Mennonite Central Committee workers responsible for the next leg of the resettlement journey. Elisabeth ...

Fraktur (or Gothic) font and Kurrent- (or Sütterlin) handwriting: Nazi ban, 1941

In the middle of the war on January 1, 1942, the Winnipeg-based Mennonitische Rundschau published a new issue without the familiar Fraktur script masthead ( note 1 ). One might speculate on the reasons, but a year earlier Hitler banned the use of the font in the Reich . The Rundschau did not exactly follow all orders from Berlin—the rest of the paper was in Fraktur (sometimes referred to as "Gothic"); when the war ended in 1945, the Rundschau reintroduced the Fraktur font for its masthead. It wasn’t until the 1960s that an issue might have a page or title here or there with the “normal” or Latin font, even though post-war Germany was no longer using Fraktur . By 1973 only the Rundschau masthead is left in Fraktur , and that is only removed in December 1992. Attached is a copy of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann's official letter dated January 3, 1941, which prohibited the use of Fraktur fonts "by order of the Führer. " Why? It was a Jewish invention, apparent...